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Jhono Bennett
August 22, 2023
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TACK Talk #2: How to define what belongs where?
Hello Iwona
Insight of the AzW
Teaching Design in a Post-Rainbow Nation A South African Reflection on the Limits and Opportunities of Design Praxis
REFLECTIVE ANIMATION. Navigating the What-What
Pools, Carparks and Ball-Pits: Or why the Notre Dame restoration competition is a meme
Crackpot’ and ‘Dangerous’: On the authenticity of Miesian reproductions
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TACK Talk #2: How to define what belongs where?

authors

Nieuwe Instituut (HNI) Vlaams Architectuurinstituut (VAi)

moderated by

Filippo Cattapan

questions by

Caendia Wijnbelt Jhono Bennett

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April 8, 2021

After its insightful inauguration, asking architectural practitioners “How do we know?” (TACK Talks #1), the Communities of Tacit Knowledge network is pleased to announce the second round of the TACK Talks. “How to? A guide through knowing” is a call to further explore the tacit dimension of knowledge, focusing on the interplay between culture and professional practice, investigating how knowledge is identified, communicated and produced in their relationship and its reflection on society.

In three cross-over conversations, representatives such as directors, curators, archivists of the international institutions Architekturzentrum Wien, the Vlaams Architectuurinstituut and the Het Nieuwe Insitituut, accompanied by our ESRs, will debate on different perspectives of mediating tacit knowledge and address challenging questions surrounding their practice. Regarding the notion of expertise and the existence of a socially established design culture: how to choose the expert? Recognizing the agency of other actors in architectural production, both human and non-human: how to archive embodied knowledge? And finally, acknowledging the entanglements between territory and the built environment: how to define what belongs where?

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Hello Iwona

author

Hamish Lonergan

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2021

Hamish Lonergan, “Hello Iwona,” Drawing Matter, 27 Jan., https://drawingmatter.org/hello-iwona/

A large, red ‘Hello!!’ and attribution to ‘Gowan, James’ is all I can see, at first, of image 3157.3r in Drawing Matter’s online archive. No date, no caption. The greeting is enthusiastic enough to stop scrolling: ‘Hi there, James!!’ I think. But when I zoom in, it’s not him at all.

This friendly ‘Hello!!’ is from someone called Iwona, urging me to ‘treat yourself to a clean house – you deserve [sic].’ There’s nothing linking the advertisement to Gowan’s scribbled diagrams or the cryptic lines ‘AB ALS / AB / Thurs, 17 / 10am / Renato’.

Renato, Iwona, James. For a small scrap of paper, this mystery has a cast of characters.

Playing detective, I discover that ‘Renato’ must be Renato Rosseli: Gowan’s partner on a series of health projects in northern Italy. Sometime around 2006, Rosseli calls Gowan. Gowan grabs something to record the time and date of their next meeting. He sketches some ideas for an extension to their Istituto Clinico Humanitas teaching hospital (1995), capturing the jaunty angle of the auditorium roof on approach. ‘AB, AB’ might be shorthand for the repeated articulation of the hospital blocks. He might be designing a ward for ALS (Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis). It could all be a personal abbreviation, gibberish to anyone else. Architectural mystery solved.

Iwona, though, stays mysterious. Maybe she arrives from Poland – her English good, but not perfect – and tries to make a new life in London working as a cleaner. She designs the flyer herself, deciding where the text should be red or bold. The effect is simple, but it was effective enough to catch my eye, Gowans too. Does it get her the job? Or did it only win her a place as Gowan’s unknown, unattributed collaborator in this serendipitous high-low culture mashup?

The sketch is an oddly literal allegory of something we know but easily forget: architects ‘draw’ on nameless labour to maintain their buildings and clean their studios. It’s only by archival accident – the happenstance of Gowan sketching over her advertisement – that we know Iwona by name this time.

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Insight of the AzW

author

Ionas Sklavounos

hosted by

Architekturzentrum Wien (AzW)

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March 20, 2022

Insights from Architekturzentrum, Vienna

On Wednesday 2 February 2022, the new permanent exhibition of the Architekturzentrum Wien, entitled ‘Hot Questions – Cold Storage’, opened its doors. Taking as its starting point the tension between the apparent inertia of archival material, resting in a suburban Vienna depot, and the difficult matters that – when raised – can make this archive speak, the exhibition presents a panorama of Vienna’s architectural production, from the turn of the last century to this day. Here is a scene from the realm of ‘Cold storage’, and the process of photographing the models now on display at the Museumsquartier.

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Teaching Design in a Post-Rainbow Nation A South African Reflection on the Limits and Opportunities of Design Praxis

Credit

Orli Setton, Eric Wright, Claudia Morgado, Blanca Calvo, residents and leaders of Denver Informal Settlement and the UJ Professional Practice students from 2013 to 2017.

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2021

Bennett, J. (2021). Teaching Design in a Post-Rainbow Nation A South African Reflection on the Limits and Opportunities of Design Praxis. In F. Giuseppe, A. Fisher, & L. Moretto (Eds.), African Cities Through Local Eyes. Experiments in Place-Based Planning and Design (1st ed., pp. 151–172). Springer: The Urban Book

Abstract

There has been an intense discourse on the relationship between inter-stakeholder university engagements, or service learning, and the broader society that South African universities claim to serve over the past decade in both local and international academia. The inherent problem within these power structures, the challenges to achieving mutually beneficial project outcomes and the growing concern of vulnerable, unheard institutional and individual voices are critical factors. The recognition of these dynamics within the emerging field of design research and design-led teaching is less nuanced in these debates. Training institutions of architecture have a rich history of undertaking service-learning initiatives to create value and learning for both the students and the stakeholders of such projects. Still, in South Africa, they are only now seen through a post-rainbow nation lens. The FeesMustFall movement is primarily driving this change. Larger institutions are recognising previously marginalised voices that now find traction in learning and practice across South Africa. This chapter reflects the author’s experience with emergent views and concerns as a researcher, lecturer and spatial design practitioner in Johannesburg. This section centres on learning regarding city-making in Southern Africa, and it presents two case studies followed by a discussion of growth opportunities.

Introduction

The use of the term spatial design recognises a sector delineation within the broad field of design and ameans to focus on the interdisciplinary practices that work in the realm of human-centred spatial systems––usually with a sociotechnical application for/with people as the core element (Fassi et al. 2018). Typically, this includes the disciplines of Architecture, Planning, Interaction Design, Industrial Design and other aligned sectors that work between their disciplinary boundaries on issues of human-centred spatial systems and are essential in city-making. The southern urbanist contextualisation of spatial design in South Africa is a vital aspect of its framing. Bhan (2019) points out the need for more grounded and contextually appropriate approaches to understanding city-making practice in response to the dominance of northern urban nomenclature. The Lefebvrian description of spatial practice frames the term spatiality. According to Schmidt’s reading of Lefebvre, it is how these shared spatial moments collide, interact and are filtered by the different interpretations of the city at every moment and every day (Goonewardena et al. 2007). These collisions of interaction, or lack thereof, belie an opportunity for what Pieterse (2011) identified as “an opening up of a fertile research agenda for more grounded and spatially attuned phronetic research” (p 12). The author centres this chapter on this identified opening and focuses on engagement with the opportunity for spatial design related to city-making 1 City-making is a term drawn from Isandla’s (2011) Right to the City document, which outlines the principles of city making through a rights-based approach developed with a range of local stakeholders on 11 core principles of inclusive city making. and design-led learning 2 Design-led research refers to strategies, tools and methods of inquiry that are activity based, requiring the subjects undertaking the activity to pursue design solutions to a problem objectively through an iterative process of designing and researching (Laurel 2003). in South Africa.

City-Making and Research Praxis in South Africa

South African cities are experiencing an unprecedented shift in growth and control as the country nears its fourth democratic election (Gotz et al. 2014). The loss of majority political control by the post-1994 ruling party to its opposition in three out of the five significant metropolitan areas, combined with the growing disillusion with the rainbow nation 3 The Rainbow Nation or Rainbowism was a concept employed by the newly elected democratic government in the early 1990s as a tool for inclusive nation building post-Apartheid (Msimang 2015; Godsell and Chikane 2016). articulated by student leaders in the FeesMustFall 4 FeesMustFall was the name given to the student protests between 2015 and 2016 that called for the end of student fees and equal access to the nation’s resources for people of all socio-economic statuses. protests, suggests an uncertain future for a rapidly urbanising country (Godsell and Chikane 2016). Specifically, the ways those who practice and conceptualise teaching and research within city-making spaces engage with each other will become increasingly difficult. That difficulty stems from the growing contestation of the disparate urban identities, making it harder to work meaningfully across polarised city sectors to address emerging urban challenges. Oldfield et al. (2004) stated that “South African researchers have grappled with massive internal socio-economic differentiation and played a wide range of roles in local and national processes of transformation and […] certain global institutions and movements” (p 289). They pointed out the problematic intersectional role that local researchers must navigate in the context of South Africa’s societal inequality structures. These internalised local researchers’ power dynamics and intersectional positionality issues are a recurring topic in southern urbanism (Parnell and Oldfield 2014; Bhan 2019). It signifies the need for contextual nuance. Although the traditional dichotomy between university and the field is a global issue, it contextualises in patterns for southern cities (Simone 2004) that the author believes require a locally developed approach. These terms find more relevance through discussion with students concerning the concepts brought forward by the leaders of the FeesMustFall protest (Msimang 2015; Chikane 2018). The author recognises the depth of dialogue on university engagements with more vulnerable sectors of society outlined by South African researchers such as Brown-Luthango (2013). The author points out that there remains little focus on how the spatial design and related socio-technical design disciplines are taught or practiced to address how cities are produced, managed or perceived meaningfully (Combrinck and Bennett 2017). Institutes such as the University of Witwatersrand’s School of Architecture and Planning, the SouthAfrican CitiesNetwork and the NelsonMandela University’s Missionvale Campus have been largely successful (NUSP 2015) in creating relationships between local and national institutions. Compared to unengaged city-making officials and practitioners who are not willing to engage with aspects of spatial design in post-apartheid South Africa, they remain a minor force. The training, research institutes and professions charged with guiding development agendas, or re-development 5 Re-development is a term employed by the author to recognise the uneven development of South African cities since the geopolitical formation of South Africa in 1652. in the case of South Africa (Oldfield et al. 2004), are the very people who lived through a lifetime of segregation. They received almost no recognition of the trauma they experienced (or perpetuated), or any emotional support (Biko 2013) to deal with the sociocultural scars of South Africa’s historical development. As a result, many educational actors still teach and practice in a manner that ignores or reinforces the very psycho-spatial (Petti et al. 2013) culture that created the city we know today. Edward Said (1978) made this claim forcefully in his seminal text, Orientalism, when he stated that “ideas, cultures, and histories cannot seriously be understood or studied without their force, or more precisely their configurations of power, also being studied” (p 5). This distancing of one’s positionality from the research in design-led learning and design-thinking reflects Said’s sentiment, as some of the tools made famous by the commercial market’s use of design thinking and social innovation, such as rapid ethnography, are often seen to other those involved in the research (Campbell 2017; Setton 2018) which can lead to harmful and damaging practices. Although other disciplines are better versed in these discussions, it is not commonly found in the spatial design and design-led innovation fields in South Africa (Le Roux and Costandius 2013). This disempowerment of local people and the lack of mutual benefit combined with the growing popularity of these courses are contributing to local research fatigue (Winschiers-Theophilus et al. 2010), while the bias prevents authentic relationships across social boundaries (Setton 2018). The notions of engaging the more layered consciousnesses of this work are discussed by Kruger (2017), who describes the work of engaging with South Africa’s legacy of inequality as woke work to design. She states that “The conceptualisation of design as woke work emphasises praxis in a particular mode of consciousness, namely being woke to social inequality and its causes. It also valorises the work that goes into design as a form of social deliberation or mode of critique and exploration rather than as an economic enterprise” (Kruger 2017, p 119). The sentiments expressed by Kruger draw from the vocabulary of student activists in the FeesMust-Fall and RhodesMustFall movements, which illuminate the sociopolitical reality of South Africa as a post-rainbow nation.

While this critical perspective on the use of design-based approaches is not new, the author believes that it is vital for South African teachers and practitioners to address recognition. At the same time, they continue their work of teaching and researching city-making in Johannesburg and other South African cities.

Methodology of the Case Studies and the Chapter

The two case studies support constructive thinking. A narrative summary dissects each case study and critically reflects on the limits and opportunities. The conceptual choice of these headings draws from the work of Schön (1983). The writing on reflection on action provides a means of framing the methodology of this chapter. A set of didactic reflections on each case study offers thoughts to future teachers and researchers as they embark on similar endeavours. Reflective social science practices and design methods of research, according to Alvesson and Sköldberg (2000), call “for an awareness among researchers of a broad range of insights: into interpretive acts, into the political, ideological and ethical issues of the social sciences and into their own construction[s] of the ‘data’ or empirical material about which they have something to say” (p 34). The use of the limits in contrast to the opportunity serves as a proactive summarisation for other practitioners (Schön 1983) working in the Global South. The technique of contrasting the boundaries and limits with the potential opportunities speaks further to Alvesson’s point: “Reflectionmeans interpreting one’s own interpretations, looking at one’s own perspectives from other perspectives and turning a self-critical eye onto one’s own authority as interpreter and author” (Alvesson and Sköldberg 2000, p 34).

It is crucial that as a body of teachers and practitioners, we recognise these limits and develop our own contextually appropriate means of addressing these realities.In support, the framing of the opportunities offers proto suggestions on areas of understanding that could lead to actionable ways to work through the limits.

Reflexive Case Study A: StudioATdenver

A Background to Service Learning and Design-Led
Research at UJ

During the formation of the University of Johannesburg 6 The University of Johannesburg (UJ) is the result of the merging of several different Apartheidera racially and technically segregated universities, The Rand Afrikaans University, Technikon Witwatersrand, and the East Rand and Soweto campuses of the Vista University were brought together in 2005 under the new banner of UJ (University of Johannesburg 2005). (UJ), a new structure for the Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture (FADA) was built. It was a space of collaboration and cross-disciplinary learning (Campbell 2008). Within the faculty, a newly launched master’s in Architecture course was launched in 2011, and it started to experiment and develop new ways of conducting research and teaching. This course pushed the limits of design-led research while critically grounding the students into their local context further. Many design-led studios supported local groups with socio-spatial challenges. They productively blended teaching and socially engaged design support while speaking tactically to systemic governmental development mechanisms. The university fully implemented the resulting design, which included a strong public commitment to service learning 7 The 2016 CE Report defined service learning as “A form of community engagement that entails learning and teaching directed at specific community needs and curriculated into (and therefore also addressing part of) a credit-bearing academic programme. It enables students to participate in, and subsequently reflect on, contextualised, structured and organised service activities that address identified service needs in a community. It seek[s] to infuse students with a sense of civic responsibility by promoting social justice” (UJ CE 2016, p 5). within the Community Engagement (CE) department. The endeavour is a recognised area of support within the project structuring (UJ CE 2016).

In the author’s experience of teaching and working at universities in South Africa, he has seen CE departments struggling to engage critically with the complex issues of the previously mentioned power structures that plague this type of work. Projects approved by CE departments are symptomatic of uncritical engagement with a most vulnerable constituency, despite the efforts to change. The university system at large struggles to provide support or guidance in stakeholder or community relations, or holding staff accountable for any conflicts, bad engagement processes or unethical behaviours. This guidance usually takes place in interpersonal discussions between faculty and staff members at the departmental level. This issue is not isolated to UJ, but is endemic across tertiary education institutes across South Africa (Winkler 2013). University ethics boards are in place to govern these issues in research. Still, they seem more concerned with protecting the university’s legal position (Oldfield 2008) than with protecting the groups engaged with CE projects. This attitude of service learning and accountability reflects Butin’s assessment of service learning: “Service learning programs […] have promoted much goodwill among those doing the actual service-learning, but there is considerably less evidence that it has provided much benefit for the recipients.” (Butin 2010, p 7). The author echoes Butin’s sentiments. There is a missed opportunity in working toward more grounded and reflexive codes of practice allowing space to engage the ethical and moral dilemma of these inter-stakeholder relationships. There remains a distinct lack of ameaningful “post-colonial critique” (Rankin 2010, p 184) to date.

StudioATdenver 2014–2017

The design studio–Aformal Terrain (AT) 8 Eric Wright, Claudia Morgado, Alex Opper and the author began the collaboration of AT in the wake of the informal studio’s closure in 2014. Opper withdrew from the collaboration and declined further involvement in 2015. –emerged from the closure of the Informal Studio 9 See http://www.informalstudio.co.za. in the Denver Informal Settlement in Johannesburg, South Africa, and set out to operate as a collective architecture/urbanism/landscape laboratory that would closely engage with the complex urban conditions in South Africa (AT 2015). AT set its focus on integrating resources and skills towards promoting awareness and generating appropriate responses to a context of rapidly changing and often fluid contemporary urban situations in post-Apartheid Johannesburg. People-driven methodologies underpinned the approach of the collective for engagement, research and design. It was conceived as a vehicle to develop ways of working and supporting cross-stakeholder configurations in design-led projects. Each iteration of the collective’s work was developed differently. The teaching and research project with Denver Informal Settlement leadership was conceptualised as a design-led studio and titled the studioATdenver, which was described as an “ongoing teaching and learning course in collaboration with residents, [the] community leadership and multiple stakeholders” (AT 2015). The studio sessions took place over 6–8 weeks as an integrated design-led learning and action research space that linked undergraduate and postgraduate students from UJ’s Architecture and Planning Department in a focused engagement with both residents and the leadership of the settlement. The curriculum was driven by community-based planning principles cited in the broader works of Nabeel Hamdi (2010) that were intended to build a collection of responsive and co-produced strategies for upgrade and improvement in what AT termed short-, medium- and long-term time frames. These were not fixed periods, but placeholder terms for later dates to be settled by the leaders and other tactical stakeholders.

The type of support was adapted constantly to respond to the changing needs of the local leadership in the face of government interest to develop the settlement 10 Under the National Development 2014 Target of upgrading over 400,000 well-located informal settlement homes (Department of Human Settlements 2018). as well as smaller emergency events that occurred during the studio sessions. This ever-changing support dynamic shaped how AT structured the student briefs support process and made available the limited time and sociotechnical advice for the project.

A key element of structuring the engagement lay in studioATdenver’s 5-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), which was produced by AT and the Denver Informal Settlement leadership, and through which the team aimed to create an accountable set of guidelines to maintain a sustainable relationship or a “Framework for Dialogue” (Mee et al. 2014, p 807) between the stakeholders and beneficiaries. The instructions proved invaluable in negotiating the ever-changing nature of support and managing expectations of the engagement. The structured MOU and 3 years of close collaboration created one of the major projects: the Positive Numbers Project, 11 The Positive Numbers Project is an ongoing project involving the enumeration of residents within the Denver Informal Settlement in Johannesburg, South Africa. The project incorporates the installation of related way-finding signage in the form of numbered addresses. These signs are linked to a broader short-to-long-term upgrading strategy known as the Community Action Plan, which has been in development over the last 3 years (AT 2017). which linked the social enumeration of the local NGOs and governments with the co-developed community action plan that the earlier studios had produced (AT 2015). The two clearest outputs of the relationship were the Positive Numbers Project and the light public installation of a play space adjacent to the meeting hall–amongst a host of tactical government and cross-stakeholder meetings in which AT supported the Denver leadership.

Limits and Opportunities from the StudioATdenver

We learned about the complexities of managing diverse expectations, stakeholders and requirements due to our involvement in these dynamic projects. Heated discussions among and with students on their engagement, and more importantly, around the residents’ issues and their expectations arose. Butin (2005) declared expectations and connected issues as a necessary dynamic. These issues were addressed in the MOU when the project was established. It seemed that the students and some partners were fighting over the purpose of their participation. All concerns were addressed in open and closed sessions by stakeholder groups, with many discussions uncovering feelings of complicity in creating unmeetable expectations by their mere mention on site. Spaces allowing students and residents to engage with such topics are challenging to build and support, but vital (Oldfield et al. 2004). These spaces were a rich source of learning and they exposed many hidden challenges to the course convenors, NGOs and local government actors.This recognition of the interpersonal challenges reveals pedagogically how critical this space was within the course structure. It allowed the students to share their misgivings and personal concerns on the personal ethics behind such participation. These spaces and their assessments should be built into the course rhythms to prove they are a valuable part of the project, not an aside. The way they produce knowledge should not be seen as a knowledge collection, but as a production of common sense (Bhan 2019) for educators, students and stakeholders of the participative projects. We present a set of planning criteria for future practitioners by recognising limits and opportunities.

Limit—Time Scale and Agency

The nature of this work is always temporary unless one participates in the context or neighbourhood, even with a structured MOU. Participation does not necessarily imply self-help home building by undernourished and overworked people without credit, with inadequate tools and poor materials. […] The central issue is that of control and power to decide. (Turner and Ward 1991, p 134). Turner offers this critical observation of the underlying reasons for participation.

Still, locally, these practices of participation in the built environment and upgrading space require nuanced local critique in the South African context. It is crucial to accept that while working on participative projects will not solve all issues of a group of people (or be able to include everyone), the engagements have definitive endpoints. Project closures and openings designs need to be appropriate.

Limit—Contextualised Positionality

The often-cited critique of international universities landing in global contexts and parachuting in with design projects contrasted our role. After much discussion, the convenors realised that we were actually local foreigners in the context of historically disadvantaged people of South Africa. When landing in such settings, it is important to question one’s bias, for which Isandla (2013) offers three important framing questions on the various forms of participation:

  1. Who participates?
  2. How do they communicate and make decisions?
  3. What is the connection between their conclusions and opinions and their public policy and actions?

Participation in such projects means little if there is no implementation or meaningful feedback to those in power. The intersectional issues of working in such a diverse society (Winkler 2013) as South Africa requires a careful approach to setting up projects of this nature.

Limit—Value Translation

The project allowed for lengthy discussions on the enormous benefits and value of the workshops, and these discussions determined the real beneficiary of this work. Ballard (2008) commented on this disjuncture between perceived value, but not of the necessary deliberations for meaningful engagement. It was challenging to debate and share the questions of who saw the most value in the Denver case among stakeholders. While some benefitted directly and the settlement sits in a different light now with the local and national governments, the timelines to see change are long and hard to translate (Le Roux and Costandius 2013).

Opportunity—Tactical Balance and Tension

An emerging principle from AT lies in the recognition that designing the engagement to support a learning environment while offering valuable socio-technical support is extremely difficult. Still, tactical systems of delivery and support are vital for this work, and they must be built into the pedagogical and impact outcomes. This is an approach adopted by many pedagogical practitioners (Hamdi and Goethert 1997), who built important critical processes into both their teaching and their development practice. Therein lies an opportunity in such projects to frame this tactical balance as a productive tension (Brown-Luthango 2013)–if managed carefully, iteratively and meaningfully.

Reflexive Case Study B: Alternative Practice at UJ

A Background to Spatial Design Praxis for City-Making in Johannesburg

Johannesburg will be one of the ten new megacities by 2030, according to the UN World Cities Report (United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, Population Division 2016). As a result of this nationwide urbanisation and endemic inequality, hundreds of thousands of people must join the informal housing sector each year to gain access to urban opportunities. Informal settlements indicate inequality, the systemic effects of gross spatial variation (South African Cities Network 2016) and the lingering effects of South Africa’s post-1994 psycho-spatial culture, particularly in urban centres, remain fundamentally unchallenged by city makers (Gotz et al. 2014).

It may seem inconsequential how spatial systems (or cities) are researched or discussed. South African post-colonial and post-Apartheid critical writing and discourse proactively challenge the idea of how we accept our given spatial reality (Malaza 2014). The collective psycho-cultural application of making and using city spaces is an often-understated force in city-making (Weizman 2017). The contrasting need to address the “gross inequality and dire need” (Everatt 2014, p 64) and the lack of ability to engage creatively with the issues at hand is not a productive situation. There is an entrenched stigma in the professional discourse around the role of architects and similar spatial design disciplines in addressing the social ills and inequality of post-Apartheid South Africa. The demand for suitably skilled and competent spatial practitioners and approaches to addressing these challenges is becoming increasingly evident (le Roux 2014; Combrinck and Bennett 2017).

Professional Practice—Alternative Practice 2013–2017

The 2011 Department of Architecture master’s programme at UJ offered its students a module in the Professional Practice Course, 12 The original 2011–2012 course, under the original convenor:DrAmira Osman, supported discussion on complex topics of urbanity and inequality in South Africa and fostered an environment of debate and critical thought on what alternative meant in the South African context. Alternative Practice. The author inherited the course as a newly appointed teacher and researcher in 2013 and was flexible in creating a class that discussed what alternative practice means in South Africa. He subsequently began to adapt the original offering to provide a space for a more engaged and productive discussion on what training, the role for architecture and an emerging sector of socially engaged design in South Africa could mean. The course offered a support structure to the design studio and it challenged the built environment professionals’ existing knowledge and perspectives on practice. Exercises included assigning the development of a manifesto for each student, the design of tools for socially engaged practice, as outlined by Petrescu and Trogal (2017) and a discussion and identification of the various practitioners and practices that exist outside the glossy magazines of architecture. The module equips students with knowledge and skills to operate outside the context of conventional design offices and with some understanding of the sociospatial complexity of post-Apartheid South Africa. These discussions have been carefully documented and shared on a digital platform 13 See https://sociotechnicalspatialdesign.wordpress.com/. The course has been tactically linked to 1to1 as both a platform and a link to the real work of the organisation (1to1 2014). that has given each student an accredited author position and that acts as a resource for future students. In 2016, the course linked the UnitedKingdom chapter of Architecture Sans Frontières’(ASF-UK) Challenging Practice 14 “Challenging Practice is a short course methodology that exposes practitioners of the built environment to the complexity of working with communities, government agencies and other spatial stakeholders through an intensive two-day action learning process. Challenging practice is an independent-learning programme that seeks to enable built environment practitioners to engage reflexively with the challenges of inclusive and sustainable urban development. Challenging practice is based on principles of active, dynamic, action-based learning. The programme is grounded in theories of situated knowledge and reflective practice and places a strong emphasis on the ethical component of action-learning” (ASF Int. 2018). (CP) teaching module to the existing course structure. ASF-UK’s CP was adapted to the South African context to expose students to the ASF International (ASF Int) concepts of critical spatial design development. Students also learned about the author’s developing praxis of socio-technical spatial design, 15 Socio-technical spatial design is defined as “an approach to spatial design practice that works with existing social networks through a critical and participative design process to co-produce an integrated, holistic and contextually supportive strategy to any issue(s) faced by an individual or group of people living in a vulnerable condition or spatial context” (1to1 2014). while supporting a space for engaged dialogue on socially engaged design practice in South Africa.

The adapted course began with a carefully structured debate that, after introducing the concepts of socially engaged design practice in South Africa, asked the students to take an opposing position around the question:

Should Architects in South Africa practice socially engaged design–or just do their jobs? Students debated the opposite social position to their chosen one. This Socratic method encouraged individuals to take a stance and build a critical reflection point for themselves later in the course. The debate was intended to be focussed, light and constructive, and it was carefully facilitated. The debate exercise allowed for a considered moment to air these views and opinions and, when aided well, assisted in allowing certain personal or political positions of students and staff to sit better in the learning space. The CP course was typically run by assisting students in working through analysis and discussion tools that guided the two case studies in a group format. A conscious decision was made by the author and his co-teachers first to use a case study from London, a first-world context, to attempt to break the stigma that socially engaged tools and practices are only applicable to developing frameworks. The second case study was a project in Cape Town, a local but not too familiar site for students based in Johannesburg. This curated choice of case studies was an attempt to address the existing stigma of this type of work in South Africa and to engage with and ground these tools for a semi-local context once the students were familiar with the tools and the action-learning group work format. Within the second case study, a short role-playing exercise/debate charade was employed. Students took on the personas of various stakeholders in the Cape Town case study and acted out a process of reaching a consensus on dealing with the challenges of the case study. This embodied debate-charade format yielded rich content over 2 years. Students intimately appreciated the complexity of spatial design development as well as the reality of local and personal politics. The format speaks to methods of embodied practice (Schalk et al. 2017) that are beginning to form a critical pedagogical theory of this type of teaching. This debate also uncovers the limits of socio-technical design in the face of local and national politics and human engagement. It exposes where students feel power lies in South African cities.

In 2017, the course was further adapted to allow for moments of constructive dialogue and action learning, as well as a co-productive workshop 16 The workshop was co-designed with Orli Setton, a trained graphic designer, and it was aimed at developing a critical reflection in design-led teaching for the students, to bring students, community leaders and NGO representatives around the same table and to co-develop a series of principles that future socio-technical practitioners could use. with invited local citizen experts (Blundell Jones et al. 2005), to engage with the idea of an ethical framework that could apply to spatial-design practice. Based on a visual, brainstorming method, mixed groups with representatives from different levels of practice and community engagement produced a list of dos and don’ts for participative spatial planning and design–ideas that perhaps seem integral to specific represented disciplines, but less to others. The visual methods allow for different voices to be carried through the work, and participants often carry difficult topics towards constructive outputs (Rose 2016). The result was a strategy for amode of practice that took more factors into account than merely physical development fabric. 17 The outcome of the workshop was a series of Codes of Engagement that can be accessed by students, the community and technical people to share on a global platform and can form the basis of future workshops and programmes. The codes can be accessed on a globally accessible website (1to1 2018). The workshop provided a design-led space for non-academic and academic participants to engage with the practices they feel are supportive or detrimental to work with groups of people on spatial design issues. The workshop was designed to provide the raw material for 1to1 later to produce a Code of Engagement (1to1 2018) for socially engaged design practice in South Africa.

Limits and Opportunities of the Alternative Practice Course at UJ

The South African architecture profession remains primarily dominated by privileged (mostly white) and upper-income groups of people, who have little relationship to lower-income areas or population groups in South Africa. This sentiment was discussed at length with students in the course. In the face of this, the programme has revealed several significant findings for socio-technical spatial design in South Africa, including first, the importance of communication during the development process–effective communication, which often requires listening and not speaking–a sentiment recognised by local researchers (Brown-Luthango 2013; Winkler 2013). Second, social stigmas and preconceptions are often overlooked issues, and practitioners should be aware of the possibility of their existence, a finding echoed by Oldfield (2008) in regard to the privilege often held by researchers. These stigmas were reiterated by students through the debates and role-playing exercises. And finally, the often-contentious issue of ethics and research, as researchers are often accused of exploiting communities during research based around participatory practices (Winschiers-Theophilus et al. 2010). Regarding the learning experience, the feedback from most students through the post-course assessment has mostly been positive, with students asking for the course to be integrated into their major subjects better or for it to be amore significant part of their year. The negative comments tend to be around the difficulty in navigating the diversity of opinions the student group holds and for more exposure to more specific techniques of making this work applicable within the current professional structures. After several years of teaching, it has become clear that this course represents a noticeable shift in the vocabulary of practice, employed by both the teachers and the students involved in the course. This shift marks an essential change in how knowledge is practiced. For southern urban practice, this is a vital element of the emerging field: Vocabularies of something called urban practice must take this role even more seriously than those addressing, say, the reconsideration of a theoretical or disciplinary canon. (Bhan 2019, p 641).

Limit—The Capacity of Practice

The numbers and scale of impact required to address spatial inequality in South Africa effectively are staggeringly complex and layered. The limits of practitioners in dealing with the issue effectively are clear. This work should not be the silver bullet, but rather a contributing force to shifting a culture of city-making and spatial design practice. This sentiment is echoed in the writings of Irene Molina, who calls for spatial practitioners to recognise their agency beyond their professions (Schalk et al. 2017).

Limit—Student and Practitioner Concerns

The critical reflection on the role of South Africans of privilege post-Apartheid is an emotionally and socially complex task that many students and universities are neither prepared for nor willing to engage with (Osman et al. 2015). The pushback of the students, who were reluctant to participate and the difficulty in discussing the role of architecture in addressing re-development in South Africa was unexpected. The author feels this mainly has to do with students’ intersectional issues on this type of work: ideas such as “White guilt”, “Black tax”, and thinly veiled “Anti-poor” and racist sentiments found their way into the discussions. While these topics have seen much public light since the FeesMustFall protests and they are commonplace in many South African education institutes, they are still tricky to navigate in highly subjective design spaces.

Limit—Professional Institutions

The professional bodies, who play a crucial role in accrediting university courses, especially professional programmes such as architecture, have no real incentive to include this type of work under their umbrella of concerns or regulations. Local teachers and others see the profession of architecture (le Roux 2014; Combrinck 2015) as elitist. This type of work, then, is regarded as charitable, a social obligation, or nice to have, but not a basis for the re-development of South Africa.

Opportunity—Need and Interest in Individuals

This course has led to many discussions amongst students and guests on how this practice could lead to sustainable careers in South African city-making. Government bodies, private practices and entrepreneurs are displaying a growing interest in this type of work, but they do not have accessible examples or categorisations for these practices (Pieterse and van Donk 2014).

 

What Could This Mean for City-Making, Teaching and Research Spaces in Post-Rainbow Nation South Africa?

Unlearning City-Making in South Africa

South Africa carries ambitions of addressing its large-scale societal issues. Pieterse and Simone (2013) alert us to the danger in the contemporary framing of the discourse on Southern African urbanism, and particularly urban teaching and research practice, primarily dominated by a macro-economic, political and developmentalist lens. This reading of such a fluid, unprecedentedly urbanising (UN Habitat 2017) and dynamic field of research inquiry and applied practice is “dangerous in how it overshadows the necessary nuance and grounded discovery of more phenomenological, interpretative and relational accounts of social and cultural dynamics and psychological dispositions” (Pieterse 2011, p 12). There is often an unanswered question as to whose version of a South African city or experience such a visit should frame or pedagogical approach should support. The framing is made more complicated due to the locally perceived global readings of the South African city and made more challenging to unpack due to the palimpsest of internalised negative perceptions, stigmas of over 400 years of unequal colonial and Apartheid development (Malaza 2014).

The need to temper localised northern perceptions with a grounded understanding is an essential aspect of this work and could be an opportunity to practice approaches of unlearning:

The underlying ethos of these studios should not be one of entering an informal context and superimposing values of formality – but rather demonstrate a willingness to understand and ‘un-learn’ conventional professional practice to respond in ways that respect inherent energies and capacities of informal contexts. This approach ensures a key aspect that would ensure the sustainability of interventions made by a sense of ownership and authorship by the partner and recipient communities. (Osman and Bennett 2013, p 12). The cost of not recognising the need or rationale behind unlearning in our current post-rainbow nation context comes with a continuing devaluing of the disciplines of design (le Roux 2014), in both teaching practice and the built environment. Based on the author’s experience, these tensions manifest most acutely when design-led learning takes place in the field and educators work directly with those affected by the effects of South Africa’s unequal society through service learning.

Limits

Local researchers are afforded proximity of access to vulnerable or marginalised contexts, but they are just as complicit as those who parachute in from abroad and leave with academic resources. The difference is that as local practitioners, we must live and work in the contexts we research, and therefore we can establish a different type of relationship. As researchers and spatial designers, we cannot neglect intersectional power or what positional difference means in the contexts in which we operate (Le Roux and Costandius 2013). While co-design, co-production and other collaborative approaches to designled research (Winkler 2013) offer new and transparent ways to engage with the intersectional complexity described in this paper, they do not appear to be fix-all solutions (Hamdi 2004; Ballard 2008). The way we practice as spatial designers in the field and the classroom and the way we allocate project resources, as well as how we respect people’s time and effort, reflects on our relationships with social and spatial justice.

Opportunities

There is a problematic and uncomfortable opportunity to turn a reflective lens on ourselves instead of those we wish to understand, a sentiment echoed by both Winkler (2013) in regard to the South African city and Butin (2005) on critiquing cities of the north. This process requires internal shifts before (and during) the start to service learning, design-led teaching/research or development projects with vulnerable contexts and stakeholders in our cities–a vital praxis recognised by Brown-Luthango (2013) in her work and supported by the author’s own experience in this sector. These city-making practitioners have few outstanding examples of thriving neighbourhood-making processes to draw from (NUSP 2015; Cirolia et al. 2017). This lack of models is compounded by a lack of skilled practitioners, grassroots or professional, or design activists (Pieterse and van Donk 2014) and builders. The author believes this is a missing sector of practice in South African city-making. The author joins the call from Pieterse and Simone’s (2013) Rogue Urbanism for scholars to investigate and theorise the specific ways in “which various levels, orders and dynamics of spatial organisation and territory are literally fleshed out, animated and rendered new through the unpredictable combination of spatial practices and imaginaries that invariably collide with cities” (Pieterse 2011, p 13) and urges those involved in such work to take on this challenge in their praxis and teaching. We need to acknowledge our limits and complicity in the issues described in this chapter meaningfully and to combine them with rigorous and iterative critical reflection on our societal roles. The latter may be offered to us by the student voices in the FeesMustFall movement. It provides the opportunity to develop new modes of spatial design-led teaching and practice that can support a more systemic approach to re-development in post-rainbow nation South African cities.

Acknowledgements

Orli Setton, Eric Wright, Claudia Morgado, Blanca Calvo, residents and leaders of Denver Informal Settlement and the UJ Professional Practice students from 2013 to 2017.

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  1. City-making is a term drawn from Isandla’s (2011) Right to the City document, which outlines the principles of city making through a rights-based approach developed with a range of local stakeholders on 11 core principles of inclusive city making.
  2. Design-led research refers to strategies, tools and methods of inquiry that are activity based, requiring the subjects undertaking the activity to pursue design solutions to a problem objectively through an iterative process of designing and researching (Laurel 2003).
  3. The Rainbow Nation or Rainbowism was a concept employed by the newly elected democratic government in the early 1990s as a tool for inclusive nation building post-Apartheid (Msimang 2015; Godsell and Chikane 2016).
  4. FeesMustFall was the name given to the student protests between 2015 and 2016 that called for the end of student fees and equal access to the nation’s resources for people of all socio-economic statuses.
  5. Re-development is a term employed by the author to recognise the uneven development of South African cities since the geopolitical formation of South Africa in 1652.
  6. The University of Johannesburg (UJ) is the result of the merging of several different Apartheidera racially and technically segregated universities, The Rand Afrikaans University, Technikon Witwatersrand, and the East Rand and Soweto campuses of the Vista University were brought together in 2005 under the new banner of UJ (University of Johannesburg 2005).
  7. The 2016 CE Report defined service learning as “A form of community engagement that entails learning and teaching directed at specific community needs and curriculated into (and therefore also addressing part of) a credit-bearing academic programme. It enables students to participate in, and subsequently reflect on, contextualised, structured and organised service activities that address identified service needs in a community. It seek[s] to infuse students with a sense of civic responsibility by promoting social justice” (UJ CE 2016, p 5).
  8. Eric Wright, Claudia Morgado, Alex Opper and the author began the collaboration of AT in the wake of the informal studio’s closure in 2014. Opper withdrew from the collaboration and declined further involvement in 2015.
  9. See http://www.informalstudio.co.za.
  10. Under the National Development 2014 Target of upgrading over 400,000 well-located informal settlement homes (Department of Human Settlements 2018).
  11. The Positive Numbers Project is an ongoing project involving the enumeration of residents within the Denver Informal Settlement in Johannesburg, South Africa. The project incorporates the installation of related way-finding signage in the form of numbered addresses. These signs are linked to a broader short-to-long-term upgrading strategy known as the Community Action Plan, which has been in development over the last 3 years (AT 2017).
  12. The original 2011–2012 course, under the original convenor:DrAmira Osman, supported discussion on complex topics of urbanity and inequality in South Africa and fostered an environment of debate and critical thought on what alternative meant in the South African context.
  13. See https://sociotechnicalspatialdesign.wordpress.com/. The course has been tactically linked to 1to1 as both a platform and a link to the real work of the organisation (1to1 2014).
  14. “Challenging Practice is a short course methodology that exposes practitioners of the built environment to the complexity of working with communities, government agencies and other spatial stakeholders through an intensive two-day action learning process. Challenging practice is an independent-learning programme that seeks to enable built environment practitioners to engage reflexively with the challenges of inclusive and sustainable urban development. Challenging practice is based on principles of active, dynamic, action-based learning. The programme is grounded in theories of situated knowledge and reflective practice and places a strong emphasis on the ethical component of action-learning” (ASF Int. 2018).
  15. Socio-technical spatial design is defined as “an approach to spatial design practice that works with existing social networks through a critical and participative design process to co-produce an integrated, holistic and contextually supportive strategy to any issue(s) faced by an individual or group of people living in a vulnerable condition or spatial context” (1to1 2014).
  16. The workshop was co-designed with Orli Setton, a trained graphic designer, and it was aimed at developing a critical reflection in design-led teaching for the students, to bring students, community leaders and NGO representatives around the same table and to co-develop a series of principles that future socio-technical practitioners could use.
  17. The outcome of the workshop was a series of Codes of Engagement that can be accessed by students, the community and technical people to share on a global platform and can form the basis of future workshops and programmes. The codes can be accessed on a globally accessible website (1to1 2018).

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title

REFLECTIVE ANIMATION. Navigating the What-What

author

Jhono Bennett

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November 1, 2022

Bennett, Jhono. “REFLECTIVE ANIMATION. Navigating the What-What” Dimensions. Journal of Architectural Knowledge, vol. 3, no. 1, 2022, pp. 229-246. https://doi.org/10.14361/dak-2022-03015

Abstract

Critically engaging with one’s positionality in contemporary architectural research in a post-Apartheid South African context requires an approach that blends concerns about identity, location, and voice in responsibly creative means, while not reinforcing the existing power dynamics inherent in such work. This essay employs Jane Rendell’s Site-Writing modality to develop a means of navigating these inter-demographic and inter-locational dilemmas - the What-What - that emerge when working from a »northerly« located institution and speaking from a »Southern« position through multiple audiences. A reflective-animation method has been developed that provides a proto-methodology for both documenting and speculating with the tacit nature of spatial design practice in post-Apartheid South African cities.

Situating an Inquiry

Situated approaches to research call for critical, transparent, and vulnerable acknowledgments of self, location, and other dimensions, of both the researcher, as well as the research topic. Such scholarship understands knowledge as limited, specific, and partial (Rose 1997). The recognition of inter-positional dynamics within contemporary doctoral research continues to increase in use around critical and urban scholarly concerns about voice, identity, and knowledge-paradigms across academic disciplines and global locations. While design fields – architecture in particular – still often tacitly carry their traditional practice approaches.

This contribution seeks to offer a partial and situated reflection on a journey through a series of positional and locational concerns that were revealed while creating the initial visual and design artifacts during the first stages of the author’s doctoral study. These creative-research products were developed through a site-writing modality as a means of navigating these difficulties – framed here as the What-What 1 The concept borrows from a South Africanism that is used in conversation when describing a group of dissimilarly connected items/things/ideas/conditions that one recognizes tacitly and is implied through the context of a conversation. It is effectively a blank placeholder term for something that is very difficult to describe – but is known tacitly between discussants. The term was used by South African novelist Ivan Vladislavic in his 2006 publication entitled Portrait with Keys: Joburg & What-What (Vladislavic 2006). . Articulating the dynamics within the What-What as a locally understood South African term, and operationalizing it for knowledge production in a cross-global platform play an important role in making local nuance visible and »thicker«. This is a key aspect of Southern practice as it asks the reader to re-situate their understanding of this term based on its locational roots. In addition, this article will discuss the early methodological findings and journey, while acknowledging important »incommensurable« limits encountered and acknowledged by the author.

Situating Myself

Growing up in the coastal city of Durban, learning to ride my bicycle on the (then) predominantly white beachfront, having a black nanny who cared for my two brothers and myself, and even attending school in classes that inversely represented the country’s demographics were all (in hindsight) unquestionably »normal« to me and those around me. I grew up with a common language and imagery of party politics and shallow readings of »race or identity«: with »the new« South Africa as a backdrop to my memories of early life. While I started school in a period (1992) that allowed students from different racial backgrounds to attend, and was the first school year to undergo the »new curriculum«, as a class we had little critical exposure to the nature of my country’s recent relationship to the Apartheid regime.

More than a decade later, during my master’s year in architecture, a handful of fellow students and I stumbled into the Slovo Park project (located in an »informal settlement«) and began a process of fundamentally questioning many of the assumptions that we had held as unquestionably true. My introspection into this realization, alongside my thesis work, led me along a path of deeper personal criticality and learning how spatial design, policy, and law play all play a significant role in shaping cities and the people who inhabit them: people like me.
The #FeesMustFall protests that coincided with my early career development as a researcher, practitioner, and educator at the University of Johannesburg gave power to the critique that had been boiling under the surface of most South African universities for decades and allowed many students and staff a space to challenge and shape the university systems (within limits) toward a »decolonial«future of tertiary education.

Figure 1: Introspections on Situated Positionalities across Discipline and Scale (Author, 2020).

The #FeesMustFall protests in South Africa brought important and systemically critical questions around identity, positionality, and privilege in universities across South Africa to the fore (Mpofu-Walsh et al. 2016). 2 The protest’s message centred around access to the resources of South Africa through education as well as the inclusion for those beyond the university’s reach. While there is much critique of the efficacy of the response from the various institutions (Chikane 2018), the multi-year demonstrations allowed for difficult and important discussions and institutional shifts within the academic and scholarly sector in South Africa, particularly around the built environment disciplines. There has been much reflection, theorization, and speculation on and about this period of time (Mpofu-Walsh et al. 2016; Habib 2019; Morrell 2019), but for this contribution, the discourse within architecture and around design, as well as urban studies, is more acutely considered. 3 The framing of the author’s contribution to these topics is not unique to South Africa, but this work focuses on the positional challenges facing researchers who occupy counter-positions within the academy and practice as outlined by Tariq Toffa (2020: 8) in their work Class Conversations. Traditional design research from this context, in particular around questions on whose »voice« guides research topics, or what frames »contemporary knowledge contribution« lacks much depth or nuance when conducting both spatial research or design work – a point made clearly by South African urban researcher Tanja Winkler (2018) when describing the nature of such challenges. In regard to such challenges more globally, urban studies scholar Aisha Giwa (2015) discusses similar dynamics while referencing a host of contemporary scholars who further expand on these points. 4 These include urban scholars Tariq Jazeel and Colin McFarlane’s (2010) interrogation of the nature of »responsible« academic research between Northern and Southern scholars, to which they suggest methodological detours and a revaluing of research frameworks.
This article intends to frame the challenges and the initial methodological findings from the author’s early journey situating a research approach through various positional »dilemmas« – collectively framed as the What-What. The work is structured through descriptive findings from an iterative creative exercise that facilitated the development of a proto-research method employing animation, architectural drawing, and an experimental form of reflective writing. This contribution to the discourse on situated forms of research practice will share the emerging issues around concerns about location, audience, voice, and incommensurability in South African cities.

Situating an Approach

I spent a decade of my professional career working in a part of the built environment that is considered by my architectural peers to be described as »the developmental sector«. I have done this through the cross-disciplinary platform of my co-founded social enterprise and research practice, 1to1, Agency of Engagement, as well as my role as an educator in Johannesburg.

This experience took me into the field of developmental practice, where I began working with the South African arm of Shack Dwellers International as socio-technical support. My work was largely to assist the various forms of grass-roots leadership the organization worked with. This journey has now taken me abroad where I am currently encountering more complex positioning and layering of these experiences as a »Southern« doctoral scholar in a »Northern« institution – especially when the discourse is so firmly based in normatively »Northern« ideas about the city, equality, and practice.

Figure 2: Developmental Gestures Series (Author, 2021).

The author’s positionality in relation to research practice relates to the writings of Donna Haraway (1988), which provide a solid theoretical starting point. Haraway notes the vulnerability of knowledge production and offers a means to ground research practice in a critical recognition of one’s own position toward »a more adequate, richer, better account of a world, in order to live in it well and in critical, reflexive relation to our own as well as others’ practices of domination and the unequal parts of privilege and oppression that make up all positions« (Haraway 1988: 579). This acknowledgment of the importance of a critical embodiment is echoed by Sandra Harding (1991) who highlights the pitfalls of not acknowledging such dynamics, nor building systems of accountability in one’s own research practice (Norber/ Harding 2005). Both Harding and Haraway, according to Gillian Rose: »argue that all knowledge is marked by its origins, and to insist that to deny this marking is to make false claims to universally applicable knowledge which subjugate other knowledges and their producers« (Rose 1997: 307).

As a means of critically acknowledging the »incommensurable limits« of the author’s own positionalities around applying decolonial ideals to their academic work (Yang and Tuck 2012: 4) – while carefully internalizing Walter Mignolo and Catherine Walsh’s (2018) articulated distinction 5 Decolonization refers to the undoing of colonization (in regard to the nation state) while decoloniality focuses on untangling the production of knowledge from what is claimed to be a primarily Eurocentric »episteme« (Mignolo 2018). between decoloniality and decolonization – this study 6 This has been done using a critical engagement with Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s code of conduct for »decolonial« research practice (Smith 1999: 120). For this reason, the study acknowledges but refrains from citing texts by more seminal decolonial scholars whose work is directed toward and in support of voices other than the demographic position of the author. has adopted a »Southern« approach to knowledge production. Such an approach is described by urbanist Gautam Bhan as »a mode of theory building that focuses on locationally specific aspects of practice in Southern cities«(Bhan 2019 : 4). Bhan describes the »South« not as a set of geographical places, but as a relational project: a set of moving peripheries, and refers to the anthropologists Jean and John L. Comaroff’’s concept of »ex-loci« on this point (Comaroff/Comaroff 2012; Bhan 2019).

Situating the Methodology

Reflecting on more than a decade of work in »the development sector«, I feel confident in saying that the urban built environment aspects of South Africa’s spatial challenges are often disproportionately discussed through a polarized lens of »housing and infrastructural services« with an unhelpful focus on a »better design« for a home for one of the most tangible symbols of the country’s unequal development: the »informal settlement«.

My experience showed me and my colleagues that at the core of many of the challenges that face »informal settlements«’lies a 400+ year system of socio-spatial inequality that was the foundation of the Apartheid project and is now the framework that continues to shape South Africa and South African cities. It was important to recognize when thinking through contemporary »global» developmental frameworks and when reading »post-Apartheid« city dynamics. What was even harder to disentangle was our »Northern« influenced framings of »informality«, »urbanity«, and »development« as these principles (taught to us through university and literature) did not typically allow for more localized readings of what form practice might take.

Figure 3: An Informal Settlement on the Outskirts of Johannesburg (Author, 2015).

Designer and design-learning researcher Jolanda Morkel (2019) offers an insight into the history of spatial design in South Africa through the role that design education played in the legal segregation of the population through the built environment during the Apartheid era. Her work, alongside several other architectural scholars (Le Roux, 1999; Watson, 2009; Low, 2019; Osman et al., 2020), reveals more details about the socio-political nature of work carried out since 1994 7 The year that South Africa was seen to be »politically free« and the new post-Apartheid regime began. to make space for the humanities and »design« in higher education during the country’s infrastructural redevelopment, and points out (among many other concerns) how the societally consequential dynamics of the relatively »precarious« resources available to higher education infrastructure place an inordinate amount of pressure on institutions, scholars, and students. These tensions continue to manifest themselves in post-Apartheid South Africa, where African Futures Institutes founder, Lesley Lokko, explains that »the inequalities are far more deeply entrenched in southern Africa than they are in the rest of the continent, and are inextricably bound up in race, language and identity – issues that are at the very core, the very root of who people are« (Lokko 2017: 2). In recognition of this need for epistemic reconsideration, the critical, iterative, and visually driven modalities of Jane Rendell’s Site-Writing (2010; 2020) provided a relevant methodological starting point for the author’s project. The following section will unpack the work produced from these methodological framings.

Situating the Research

Due to both the physical and emotional distances that have been created between myself and South Africa, the site-writing work began t in my own practice photo archive as a way to »re-visit» Marlboro South in Johannesburg: this was the site of my first project in the developmental sector and where I spent many months supporting grass-roots leadership groups during an eviction of over 500 homes. Here, I worked between the non-governmental organization (NGO) Shack Dwellers International, the City of Joburg, the Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department, and the University of Johannesburg, and was often placed in very emotionally and technically difficult positions.

Initially, I struggled with what felt like »extracting« from this situation; this positional paralysis felt crippling and had me trapped in cyclical patterns of guilt, anger, and shame but, through the support of the Site-Writing cohort, I pushed myself »to make it« through these feelings, and began working more closely with the archival photos.

Figure 4: One of the Earlier Inquiries into Writing-from-Site with Marlboro South (Author, 2021).

Figure 5: An Extract from the First Series of Exploring the Marlboro South Experience through Site-Writing (Author 2021).

I started with simple tracings, creative writings, and role-playing exercises. I then worked through physical prints and used illustration alongside handwriting as a means of re-telling the stories of my time »on-site«. As I wrote, traced, and re-drew the events of that time, the emotions of those moments were made tangible, while other actions and events began to make more sense alongside deeper understanding of South Africa’s socio-spatial landscape.

Figure 6: An Extract from the First Series of Exploring the Marlboro South Experience through Site-Writing (Author, 2021).

These exercises were highly cathartic and almost meditative as I worked freely and intuitively through the tacit act of writing, drawing, and »re-visiting« the site through the imagery of the project. This iterative and repetitive act of writing and drawing worked as a form of reflection as well as documentation of both the experience and the method, and is assisting in the further development of the broader study’s ethical framework.

Figure 7: An Extract from the First Series of Exploring the Marlboro South Experience through Site-Writing (Author, 2021).

During an iteration of this process that focused specifically on the images that captured aspects of materiality, and individuals through digital illustration software that employed a layering structure, I noticed how the drawings, when overlaid, imitated a series of movements. I leaned into the animative quality of the image and the drawing that allowed a rapid production of content through intentional and slower means of image making. This rhythm of reflection and making opened a line of experimental inquiry into animation as both a form of reflection-on-practice, as well as situational analysis.

Figure 8: The first Series of Animative Reflections in the Spirit of the Order Series Developed from the initial Site-Writing Exercises that Emerged through Reflective Drawing (Author, 2021).

I then re-visited my practice photo archive and searched for more accidental stop-frame sequences that engaged people, material, and action. From these, I developed the final series of explorations that captured the »spirit« of the actions around the Marlboro South project. This story and the work itself is captured in more detail in the digital exhibition of the work. 8 https://spiritoftheorder.cargo.site/ The website password is: stayingwithmytrouble

Figure 9: The Later Series of Animative Reflections Developed from the Initial Site-Writing Exercises that Emerged through Reflective Drawing (Author, 2021).

Figure 10: A Screen Grab from the Digital Exhibition of the Site-Writing Project Entitled: Spirit of the Order (Bennett 2021) that Blends Animation with Writing and Drawing.

There is a dynamic relationship between the image, the movement, and the practice of producing an animation that resonated strongly with the reflective nature of the study’s work through Site-Writing. Such a relationship led to the exploration of animation as a means of documenting not only a spatial act of making, but the embedded tacit layers of place. This comes from a decade of exploring architectural drawing beyond functional duty or aesthetic abstraction, and a disciplinary interest to show that other forms of spatial instruction can exist outside of the traditional two-dimensional or static drawing format. The architectural scholars Linda Groat and David Wang (2013) discuss the elements of rigor and repeatability that are required to produce design-drawings in detail, and don’t distinguish between work produced for a built product or a process. They stand by the distinction that design is a particular activity within research that carries its own »distinct knowledge« and embedded practices.

Situating the Trouble

This initial series of design inquiries has been intuitively guided by my own feelings around critical questions on positionality, ethics (personal, contextual, and institutional), and the »right« to conduct or be involved in research on this, and related topics. While I believe that one can practice through their own individually considered »positional power-moves« without there being a »correct« means of responsibly engaging with such dynamics, the developmental sector still seems to be missing a set of recognizable (and shareable) »ethics-in-action« protocols that work toward building accountability and better practice values in spatial design. I point this out to name the aspect of the What-What dilemma – that I am also a part of, – as a means of strengthening the collective discourse and preparing the ground for further layers of inquiry about what form positional power-moves may take and entail.

This recognition of one’s own position within their immediate and larger socio-political context is discussed at length in the critical qualitative field of knowledge production (Jacobson/Mustafa 2019) and is generally framed through broader concerns on roles (Herr 2015), accountability (Butler 2001), and power-dynamics (Norber/Harding 2005) toward knowledge production. However, positionality remains more ethically troublesome when called upon to »act« – in this case, spatially design or make within the built environment. While positionality is considered to be a multi-dimensional and evolving concept (Simandan 2019), the concerns discussed in this article are drawn from those framed by Gillian Rose (1997: 305–322), who in their own work, guides us to feminist scholar Linda McDowell’s statement that we must recognize and take account of our own position, as well as that of our research participants, and write this into our research practice (McDowell 1992: 409). These entangled positionalities intersect with local practices and critiques, as well as global readings of South Africa, and intermingle with the author’s own concerns about accountability, guilt, and audience direction 9 Toward which I have interpreted the concept of the What-What as a means of simultaneously acknowledging and working through these concerns via my own Southern-located practices. .
This study is placed at the intersection of architecture, urban studies, and arts practice and seeks to develop methods and approaches that support the navigation of seemingly paradoxical and counter-positional situations, and that acknowledge the inherent contradictions of attempting to »de-center« perspectives (Orelus 2013; Mbembe 2017; Patel 2020). While this could be interpreted as an act of »re-centering« and avoiding other more immediate scales of action, the author trusts in the emerging design-research modalities that have already begun to support the development of their own ethics-in-action approach to knowledge production. This comes with the intent of contributing an additional partial perspective toward shifting, disrupting, and hopefully (at some level) challenging some of the larger issues of power, as well as Northern normativity and the centrality (Yang/ Tuck 2012) of knowledge production from the author’s own current »centre«.

Situating an Opportunity

This body of reflective writing and drawing have not been offered here as an external critique toward the new communities that I am becoming a part of here in »the North«, but possibly as an opportunity to add additional perspective from a cross-locational »outsider/insider» to the concerns about place, drawing production, and research practice discussed above. This could be considered an opportunity to lay the groundwork for developing additional ways to responsibly and critically practice such ethics-in-action –but I would like to clearly acknowledge the troubles, limits, and contradictions inherent in such actions. This acknowledgment does not seek to absolve me of any accountability, rather I frame here a means of emphasizing what such positional power-moves mean for me as a South African versus those of others here in the »North« and abroad.

Figure 12: An extract from a co-produced Risograph print exercise produced by Hato Press with the 2021 Site-Writing cohort that depicts a group of Apartheid Era City officials planning the layout of a Black African ‘Township’ layered with creative writing from other Situated Practice peers. (Author with 2021 Site-Writing Cohort: [https://echoesandintersections.cargo.site][https://site-writing.co.uk/]

Donna Haraway (2016) suggests »making-with« rather than »self-making« as a means of learning how to »stay with the trouble« and build more livable futures. While Haraway’s introductory text does not specifically speak to the topics held within the What-What, their work offers a compelling reference point for a more actionable set of possible »ethics-in-action«. The study draws on Haraway’s call to stay, embrace, and situate oneself within the systems of complication and complicity that they describe as the »thick present« (Haraway 2016: 9): a call that encourages one to stay with, sit within, and work carefully and slowly through the What-What – not around it.

The author suggests that there are other means of staying with one’s What-What and offers this journey in reflective-animation as an example of dwelling in »the trouble« by working through such complex dynamics using iterative, deliberate, and careful means. In this case, the author has attempted to introduce more context-specific nuance, situated detail, and multi-voiced subjectivities to the imagery of Southern African spatial practices through animation as a means of architectural instruction. As animation sits between the mediums of image and film, it has not been deeply explored as an architectural means of instruction or documentation and – in this case – when combined with text, has allowed for a means of synthesizing the trouble inherent in the What-What and offers more than a singular frame or comment on a complex site condition such as Marlboro South. 10 As seen in the Spirit of the Order. Digital exhibition site: https://spiritoftheorder.cargo.site (password: stayingwithmytrouble). This methodology of using animation to deepen and situate the research in place is still in the early phases of development. It will be developed further and methodologically speak to the larger aims of the doctoral project: which seeks to contribute an additional perspective to the growing discourse on Southern Urbanism through a focus on the designerly aspects of an approach that works from place, recognizes concepts of periphery, and engages with Brazilian Southern urbanist Teresa Caldeira’s request to »take seriously the idea of thinking with an accent« (Caldeira 2000).

References

  • Bennett, J. (2021): Spirit of the Order: Navigating the What-What. Available at: https://spiritoftheorder.cargo.site/ (Accessed: 22 February 2022).
  • Bhan, G. (2019): »Notes on a Southern Urban Practice«, in: Environment and Urbanization 31/2, 639–654. doi: 10.1177/0956247818815792.
  • Butler, J. (2001): »Giving Account of Oneself«, in: Diacritics 31/4, 22–40.
  • Caldeira, T. P. do R. (2000): City of Walls: Crime, Segregation, and Citizenship in São Paulo, Berkeley : University of California Press.
  • Chikane, R. (2018): Breaking a Rainbow, Building a Nation: The Politics behind #MustFall Movements, Johannesburg: Pan MacMillan.
  • Comaroff, J/Comaroff, J. L. (2012): »Theory from the South: or, how Euro-America is Evolving toward Africa’, in: Anthropological Forum 22/2, 113–131. doi: 10.1080/00664677.2012.694169.
  • Giwa, A. (2015): ‘Insider/Outsider Issues for Development Researchers from the Global South’, in: Geography Compass, 9/6, 316–326. doi: 10.1111/gec3.12219.
  • Groat, L. N./ Wang, D./ Groat, Linda N. (2013): Architectural Research Methods. 2. Aufl, Somerset: Wiley.
  • Habib, A. (2019): Rebels and Rage: Reflecting on #FeesMustFall, Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publishers.
  • Haraway, D. (1988): »Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective«, in: Feminist Studies 14/3, 575–599. doi: 10.4324/9780203427415-40.
  • Haraway, D. (2016) Staying with the Trouble: Making Kin in the Chthulucene, Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
  • Harding, S. G. (1991): Whose Science? Whose Knowledge?: Thinking from Women’s Lives, Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press.
  • Herr, K./Anderson, G.L. (2015): The Action Research Dissertation: A Guide for Students and Faculty 2nd ed, Thousand Oaks : SAGE Publishing.
  • Jacobson, D/Mustafa, N. (2019): »Social Identity Map: A Reflexivity Tool for Practicing Explicit Positionality in Critical Qualitative Research«, in: International Journal of Qualitative Methods 18, 160940691987007. doi: 10.1177/1609406919870075.
  • Jazeel, T./McFarlane, C. (2010): »The Limits of Responsibility: A Postcolonial Politics of Academic Knowledge Production«, in: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 35/1, 109–124. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-5661.2009.00367.x.
  • Le Roux, H. (1999): ‘»Undisciplined Practice: Architecture in the Ccontext of Freedom«’, in: Blank: Architecture Apartheid and After. 1st ed, Rotterdam: NAi D.A.P./Distributed Art Publishers, pp. 351–358.
  • Lokko, L. (2017): Hope, Platform: Architecture & Design. Available at: https://www.platformarchitecture.it/lesley-lokko-hope/ (Accessed: July 6, 2018).
  • Low, I. (2019): »Space and Transformation: The Struggle for Architecture in Post-Apartheid South Africa«, in: Afrika Focus 31/2, 69–86. doi: 10.21825/af.v31i2.9919.
  • Mbembe, A. (2017): Critique of Black Reason, L. Dubois (ed), Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
  • McDowell, L. (1992): »Doing Gender: Feminism, Feminists and Research Methods in Human Geography«, in: Transactions : Institute of British Geographers (1965) 17/4, 399–416. doi: 10.2307/622707.
  • Mignolo, W. (2018): On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, and Praxis, C. Walsh (ed), Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
  • Mignolo, W./Walsh, C. E. (2018): »Decoloniality in /As Praxis Part One«, in: On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, Praxis, 304.
  • Morkel, J./ Cronjé, J. (2019): »Flexible Learning Provision for Architecture in South Africa«, in: Faculty Perspectives on Vocational Training in South Africa, 19–33. doi: 10.4324/9781351014311-3.
  • Morrell, R. (2019): »Review: Adam Habib Rebels and Rage: Reflecting«, in: Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 100, 209–219. doi: https://doi.org/10.1353/trn.2019.0029.
  • Mpofu-Walsh, S. et al. (2016): Fees Must Fall, S. Booysen (ed), Johannesburg: Wits University Press. doi: 10.18772/22016109858.
  • Norber, K./ Harding, S. (2005): »New Feminist Approaches to Social Science Methodologies: An Introduction«, in: Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 30/4, 2009–2015. doi: 10.1086/428420.
  • Orelus, P. (2013): »Whitecentricism and Linguoracism Exposed«, in: Reference & Research Book News, 28/4, 10805.
  • Osman, A. et al. (2020): Cities, Space and Power, Cape Town: AOSIS Publishing.
  • Patel, K. (2020): »Race and a Decolonial Turn in Development Studies«, in: Third World Quarterly 0(0), pp. 1–13. doi: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1784001.
  • Rendell, J. (2010): Site-Writing: The Architecture of Art Criticism 1st ed, London/New York: I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd.
  • Rose, G. (1997): »Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities and Other Tactics«, in: Progress in Human Geography 21/3, 305–320. doi: 10.1191/030913297673302122.
  • Simandan, D. (2019): »Revisiting Positionality and the Thesis of Situated Knowledge«, in: Dialogues in Human Geography 9/2, 129–149. doi: 10.1177/2043820619850013.
  • Smith, L. T. (1999): Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, London/ New York: Zed Books.
  • Toffa, T. (2020): »Learning to Speak? Of Architecture and the Colonialities of Transformation, Race«, in: A. Osman (ed.), Cities, Space and Power 1st ed, Cape Town: AOSIS Publishing.
  • Vladislavic, I. (2006): Portrait with Keys: Joburg & what-what 1st ed,. Johannesburg: Umuzi.
  • Watson, V. (2009): »Seeing from the South: Refocusing Urban Planning on the Globe’s Central Urban Issues« in: Urban Studies 46/11, 2259–2275. doi: 10.1177/0042098009342598.
  • Winkler, T. (2018): »Black Texts on White Paper: Learning to See Resistant Texts as an Approach towards Decolonising Planning«, in: Planning Theory 17/4, 588–604. doi: 10.1177/1473095217739335.
  • Yang, W./Tuck. E (2012)> »Decolonization is Not a Metaphor«, in: Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education, & Society 1/1, 1–40.

 

  1. The concept borrows from a South Africanism that is used in conversation when describing a group of dissimilarly connected items/things/ideas/conditions that one recognizes tacitly and is implied through the context of a conversation. It is effectively a blank placeholder term for something that is very difficult to describe – but is known tacitly between discussants. The term was used by South African novelist Ivan Vladislavic in his 2006 publication entitled Portrait with Keys: Joburg & What-What (Vladislavic 2006).
  2. The protest’s message centred around access to the resources of South Africa through education as well as the inclusion for those beyond the university’s reach.
  3. The framing of the author’s contribution to these topics is not unique to South Africa, but this work focuses on the positional challenges facing researchers who occupy counter-positions within the academy and practice as outlined by Tariq Toffa (2020: 8) in their work Class Conversations.
  4. These include urban scholars Tariq Jazeel and Colin McFarlane’s (2010) interrogation of the nature of »responsible« academic research between Northern and Southern scholars, to which they suggest methodological detours and a revaluing of research frameworks.
  5. Decolonization refers to the undoing of colonization (in regard to the nation state) while decoloniality focuses on untangling the production of knowledge from what is claimed to be a primarily Eurocentric »episteme« (Mignolo 2018).
  6. This has been done using a critical engagement with Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s code of conduct for »decolonial« research practice (Smith 1999: 120). For this reason, the study acknowledges but refrains from citing texts by more seminal decolonial scholars whose work is directed toward and in support of voices other than the demographic position of the author.
  7. The year that South Africa was seen to be »politically free« and the new post-Apartheid regime began.
  8. https://spiritoftheorder.cargo.site/ The website password is: stayingwithmytrouble
  9. Toward which I have interpreted the concept of the What-What as a means of simultaneously acknowledging and working through these concerns via my own Southern-located practices.
  10. As seen in the Spirit of the Order. Digital exhibition site: https://spiritoftheorder.cargo.site (password: stayingwithmytrouble).

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title

Pools, Carparks and Ball-Pits: Or why the Notre Dame restoration competition is a meme

Author

Hamish Lonergan

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Hamish Lonergan, “Pools, Carparks and Ball-pits: Or why the Notre Dame restoration competition is a meme,” in: Footprint 26, 125-136

Abstract

The first restoration proposals to emerge after fire destroyed Notre Dame Cathedral’s roof and spire were jokes. The more serious schemes that followed Prime Minister Edouard Philippe’s announcement of a competition – many markedly similar, recreating what was lost in glass– were collected on mainstream design media websites like Dezeen where they attracted an unusually high volume of angry comments, accusing the architects of insensitivity. Soon after, Ulf Mejergren Architects’ proposal to replace Notre Dame’s roof with a meditative pool was edited into a carpark. It sparked a series of increasingly outlandish edits – first a multi-story carpark, then a ball pit – before the French Senate declared that there would be no competition after all. This at times absurd online interest might be new for architectural competitions, but it is easily explained through meme theory, as conceived of by scholars like Limor Shifman and Ryan Milner: systems of interconnected units of cultural exchange operating on both wider cultural and specific sub-cultural levels. In this essay I contend that meme theory can be used, in reverse, to analyse reactions to, and similarities between, even the most serious Notre Dame proposals. In applying this framework, we can begin to understand how competitions operate more broadly as part of a complex network online and how they relate to traditional competition conditions.

By GodefroyParis – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=78090147

The Notre Dame (non) competition

It did not take long for images of the reconstruction of Notre Dame to become a meme online. Even between 15 April 2019, when fire consumed the roof and spire, and 17 April, when French prime minister Edouard Philippe announced a future competition for its reconstruction, images circulated on social media incorporating the restored cathedral into a slick mixed-use development by the august-sounding firm Pick Rogarth + Baumsnatch. [fig. 1] Many responded with shock and disbelief at the arrogance of architects imposing their banal, commercial vision on a national monument, before realising the joke. Those taken in were quick to claim it was not so ridiculous after all, pointing to I. M. Pei’s pyramids at the Louvre, and the commercialisation of many European cathedral squares.

Fewer fell for Oliver Wainwright’s Twitter proposal on 17 April to replace Viollet-Le-Duc’s spire with Heatherwick’s Vessel. [fig. 2] It followed Phillipe’s widely-discussed call for solutions ‘adapted to the technique and the challenges of our era’, 1 Jon Henley, ‘France announces contest to redesign Notre Dame spire’, The Guardian, 18 April 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/global/2019/apr/17/france-announces-architecture-competition-rebuild-notre-dames-spire. Other journalists were quick to point out the political utility of Emmanuel Macron’s calls for ‘a more beautiful cathedral’ to be built in just five years, in time for the Paris 2024 Olympics, projecting an image of a progressive, modern government, distracting public attention in the midst of the populist ‘yellow vest’ protests. Dorothy Wickenden, ‘The Notre-Dame Fire Could Be a Turning Point for the Macron Presidency’, The New Yorker, 18 April 2019, https://www.newyorker.com/podcast/political-scene/the-notre-dame-fire-could-be-a-turning-point-for-the-macron-presidency. and the frenzied pledges of support from billionaires like Bernard Arnault, who commissioned the Louis Vuitton Foundation by Gehry Partners. 2 Since then, none of the promised funds have been released, prompting some commentators to accuse France’s billionaires of cynically exploiting tax loopholes and of pledging support only to wield disproportionate influence on the reconstruction when it begins. Aditya Chakrabortty, ‘The lesson from the ruins of Notre Dame: don’t rely on billionaires’, The Guardian, 18 July 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/18/ruins-notre-dame-billionaires-french-philanthropy. In this context, after Wainwright’s damning review of Hudson Yards in The Guardian – and  an earlier twitter post comparing the Vessel to a giant shawarma – it read as a pointed warning against deliberately iconic architecture. These three days set the tone for discourse surrounding the promised competition over the next month: the focus on shareable images; the public anger at architects capitalising on tragedy; confusion of the serious and satirical; connections across pop-culture; and the ever-present proximity of architectural competitions and power.

Many of the more serious proposals were strikingly similar: transparent recreations of what was lost in the fire. As early as 16 April, Studio Fuksas described their vision of ‘a crystal pinnacle of Baccarat for the new Notre Dame’ on Huffpost, before releasing glowing, blue renderings. 3 Linda Varlese, ‘Massimiliano Fuksas: “Immagino un pinnacolo di cristallo di Baccarat per la nuova Notre Dame”’, Huffpost, 16 April 2019, https://www.huffingtonpost.it/2019/04/16/massimiliano-fuksas-immagino-un-pinnacolo-di-cristallo-di-baccarat-per-la-nuova-notre-dame_a_23712564/. Soon after, emerging and established designers began posting proposals on Instagram, Twitter and other social media platforms, where they were picked up by mainstream design news websites like Dezeen, Archdaily and Designboom. By 25 April, when Dezeen editorialised the ‘best’ of these proposals, Fuksas’s images were joined by variations in stained-glass and green crystal; some, like architects Studio NAB and rendering firm Miyosis Studio, filled this glass roof cavity with plants, turning it into a greenhouse. 4 Tom Ravenscroft, ‘Seven alternative spires for Notre-Dame Cathedral’, Dezeen, 25 April 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/04/25/notre-dame-spire-alternative-cathedral-designs/. Kiss the Architect’s scheme – replacing the spire with an assemblage of columns, arches and spheres – photoshopped an existing folly proposal into place, conspicuous in a field dominated by professional and expensively-produced renderings. Where a popular Dezeen article might typically attract between ten and twenty responses in the comments section, the Notre Dame piece attracted over 140 comments with an unusual degree of consensus, panning the proposals as shamefully insensitive to the building and its history, calling for an accurate reconstruction instead.

Soon after, Swedish firm Ulf Mejergren Architects (UMA) shared renderings replacing the roof and spire with a meditative pool. [fig. 3] By the time Dezeen posted a follow-up article, ‘Seven of the most outrageous proposals for Notre-Dame’, the pool had been edited into a carpark – ‘if North Americans are put in charge of the Notre Dame reconstruction’ – and retweeted by a Belgian politician taking a swipe at his opponents’ transport policy. 5 Tom Ravenscroft, “Seven of the most outrageous proposals for Notre-Dame,” Dezeen, 15 May, 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/05/15/notre-dame-rebuild-outrageous-proposals/. BoredPanda, a non-architecture website aggregating memes and general internet culture, attributed the carpark design to Pascal Smet, minister of mobility and public infrastructure for Brussels, who had retweeted the image. Giedrė Vaičiulaitytė, ‘9 Ridiculous Proposals for the Notre Dame Restoration’, BoredPanda, https://www.boredpanda.com/notre-dame-cathedral-outrageous-redesign-proposals/?utm_source=google&utm_medium=organic&utm_campaign=organic. [fig. 4] It set off a series of increasingly outlandish edits: another Twitter user turned it into a multi-story carpark, [fig. 5] before it morphed into a children’s ball-pit on architecture meme account Oh-Em-Ayy. [fig. 6] Another contributor to the Dezeen comments photoshopped a mob of gilets jaunes protestors in place of the pool, while others questioned why Dezeen would engage with the scheme at all, accusing the designers of manufacturing outrage to stand out in an already crowded field. Designer Sebastian Errazuriz replaced the spire with a rocket, claiming it was an ‘act of creative one-upmanship designed… to exhaust the audience’s patience… for a new glass eco-roof.’ 6 Sebastian Errazuriz (@sebastianstudio), ‘This little piece’, Instagram, 17 May 2019, https://www.instagram.com/p/Bxidsq_BHFT/ . ­ He congratulated himself when, on 29 May, the French senate determined that there would be no competition and the cathedral would be restored to its ‘last known visual state.’ 7 Tom Ravenscroft, “Notre-Dame must be restored to ‘last known visual state’ says French Senate,” Dezeen, 29 May 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/05/29/restore-notre-dame-cathedral-french-senate/. Even then, GoArchitects, an independent publisher turned competition convenor, announced a ‘people’s choice’ design competition, open to any scheme ‘no matter how outlandish’. The online edition of British newspaper The Independent featured an entry by Bay Huynh Architects, with another rooftop pool, this time connected to the Seine by elevated canals. 8 Liam James, ‘Notre Dame design competition seeks new roof for world famous Paris cathedral’, The Independent, 21 June 2019, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/notre-dame-cathedral-roof-fire-design-competition-paris-france-a8968791.html. [fig. 7]

Competitions on the internet

In the month between Phillipe’s announcement of a competition and the French Senate’s bill to prevent it, Notre Dame generated a remarkably high level of online interest, even compared to recent competitions like the Guggenheim Helsinki (2014). Without a competition brief, hundreds of proposals have been produced, posted across social media, architecture news platforms and the GoArchitects webpage. While the Guggenheim competition produced over 1 700 entries, the way they were aggregated on a single website meant that writers like Peggy Deamer and Pier Vittorio Aureli could confidently comment on the overall quality of the proposals without fear of excluding any key schemes. 9 Peggy Deamer, ‘The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition: What Is the Value Proposition?’, The Avery Review 8 (2015), 1-5, https://averyreview.com/content/3-issues/8-8/1-the-guggenheim-helsinki-competition/deamer.pdf; Pier Vittorio Aureli, ‘Can Architecture Be Political?’, lecture at the Architectural Association, London, 6 December 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8dd73Sd0xpU. In that case, only the six shortlisted entries were widely shared online, while those not submitted for official consideration – the schemes produced by Mark Foster Gage and Andrew Kovacs, for example, both combining ready-made physical and digital figures into new architectural forms – were widely published in established architecture journals like Log and Architectural Design. 10 Andrew Kovacs, ‘Archive of Affinities Making Architecture from Architecture’, Architectural Design 89, no. 4 (2019): 54–61; Mark Foster Gage, ‘Killing Simplicity: Object-Oriented Philosophy in Architecture’, Log no. 33 (2015): 95–106.

Notre Dame is the rare case of a discrete internet phenomenon – bookended by the fire and the Senate’s announcement – but even in this limited timeframe the same type of cohesive analysis is almost impossible. Proposals have spread far more widely across the internet, creating the kind of infinite regression of referential connections which leads from a meditative pool to a ball pit. Throughout the process of writing this essay there seemed to be a steady stream of photoshopped variations, impossible to keep up with. All the while, the terrible odds associated with the never-realised Guggenheim competition ­– better to meet a client at a bar, wrote Derrick Leavitt – were compounded in a competition that no-one could win because it was never officially opened. 11 Deamer, ‘Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’; Derreck Leavitt, ‘Why Open Competitions Are Bad for Architects’, Modative Blog, 18 May 2010, http://www.modative.com/modern-architects-blog/bid/31683/Why-Open-Architecture-Competitions-Are-Bad-for-Architects; Taller de Casquería, ‘Guggenheim Helsinki: Architectural Competition Data’, 15 October 2014. Infographic video, 4:31. https://vimeo.com/109085572. In the GoArchitects’ competition, over two hundred entries competed for a grand prize of only €900.

A memetic competition framework

This overwhelming and unrewarded online interest might be unusual for architectural competitions, but it is not strange for memes. Over the last ten years, a mature body of scholarship has emerged to explain the increasingly important role that memes play in online discourse. Although discrete images of Notre Dame like Wainwright’s Vessel mashup may have been extensively shared online, this does not make them memes. As meme scholar Ryan Milner writes, ‘it’s an easy shortcut to call a solitary image we scroll past on Twitter or Tumblr a meme, as if the term is synonymous with “a quirky little JPG from the internet.”’ 12 Ryan M. Milner, The World Made Meme: Public Conversations and Participatory Media, ed. ProQuest (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2016), 3. Instead, it is useful to turn to Limor Shifman’s broader definition, going beyond individual images:

(a) group of digital items sharing common characteristics of content, form, and/or stance, which (b) were created with awareness of each other, and (c) were circulated, imitated, and/or transformed via the Internet by many users. 13 The original definition comes from Richard Dawkins: ‘a unit of cultural transmission, or a unit of imitation’. Limor Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013), 41.

For outsiders, this complex web of self-aware connections can appear illegible, but remains easily comprehensible by overlapping groups of internet users who recognise the joke and its context: from the broadest group who understand the logic of memes generally to subgroups like architects who have the specialised knowledge to grasp disciplinary content.

In this way, UMA’s pool may be the source, but the meme is the network of modified and reposted images across social media. Through this process, the pool and its variants illustrate many of the qualities which Milner sees at the heart of memes. Users took advantage of the inherently editable qualities of this high-quality rendering of the cathedral, already stripped of its spire and roof: it was easier to turn this image into a carpark because the hard work of editing out the background was already done. 14 As Milner notes, the ability to easily appropriate an image is a key indicator of the popularity of a meme, allowing users to easily use it for their own purposes, making it their own. Milner, The World Made Meme, 29. In calling the original ‘outrageous’, Dezeen captured something that resonated with viewers in a way other images did not. UMA’s proposal was refreshing, boldly rejecting the verticality of spire and roof, absurdly juxtaposing pool and roofscape. 15 Milner characterises this more broadly as an image’s resonance. Milner, The World Made Meme, 32. Shifman writes that ‘a fundamental feature of many memetic photos is a striking incongruity between two or more elements in the frame’. Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture, 90. That this audience existed at all is arguably due to the coincidence of the Notre Dame competition with the rise of specialised architectural meme accounts like Sssscavvvv (6 850 followers) and Arc.humor (4 250 followers). When they encountered the ball pit, Oh.Em.Ayy’s 8 950 followers could recognise both Ulf Mejergren’s pool and the poorly photoshopped aesthetic of other memes online. As other social media users modified the image, they invested in a content-creation process that rewarded them in likes, reposts and new followers, ultimately spilling over into mainstream notoriety on platforms like Dezeen. 16 Milner sees this sort of ‘shared resonance’ and collectivism at the heart of meme culture. Milner, The World Made Meme, 33.

Meme theory helps make sense of the string of modifications to UMA’s pool, but my contention here is that this serious scholarship of a seemingly-unserious topic can be used, in reverse, to begin to understand competitions on social media more broadly. As recently as 2017, Ignaz Strebel and Jan Silberberger’s exhaustive overview of the historiography and theory of competitions noted that entries are routinely archived on official websites, without recognising the increasingly important role of social media and online architecture media. 17 Ignaz Strebel and Jan Silberberger, ‘Introduction: Unpacking Architectural Competitions – Project Design and the Building Process’, in Architecture Competition : Project Design and the Building Process, ed. Ignaz Strebel and Jan Silberberger (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017), 1–27. Indeed, Notre Dame seems less like an anomaly than a premonition of how competitions will occur online in the future: simultaneously under the auspices of competition bodies and the media. The reach of social and mainstream architecture media means that an architect can gain as much popular, professional recognition from a well-publicised image as with a short-listed competition entry. Here, I sketch out three initial ideas for how meme theory might inform an understanding of competitions online.

Architectural subcultures

One typical rationale for entering competitions is the free publicity they offer architects. Indeed, the Dezeen comments section accused firms of exploiting this perverse incentive, creating insensitive schemes to generate media attention. On closer examination, it seems a dubious strategy, given how unlikely anyone is to commission, or even follow, a firm whose work they find so unappealing. Conversely, Deamer wrote that even the most impressive Guggenheim Helsinki schemes were lost in the competition archive and the glut of images online. 18 Deamer, ‘The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’, 4. It is certainly easy for something to anger the public or ‘disappear’ in the depths of the internet, but meme theory shows how subcultures latch onto resonant images even as they are forgotten and ridiculed by online culture at large. Schemes by more well-known firms like Fuksas slid into obscurity whereas UMA’s pool resurfaced on social media via its edited proxies.

Understanding competition entries as a type of specifically targeted ‘advertisement’ helps explain why entrants risk public wrath and oblivion online. Rendering firm Miyosis’s rooftop greenhouse may have closely resembled other schemes, but they were not selling a building proposal. Instead, their images and fly-throughs broadcast high-quality rendering services to their peers and potential clients. Similarly, Kiss the Architect’s arched confection relates to a recent social media interest in postmodernism, on pages like AdamNathanialFurman (30 100 followers) and Newagecocaine (51 200 followers). Indeed, there was a notable increase in the firm’s Instagram following after appearing on Dezeen. Read in this way, these were not proposals designed for construction, rather they responded to specific concerns and interests of identifiable subgroups within the discipline.

Perhaps the most interesting case is UMA’s pool itself. Followers of UMA’s Instagram could place the pool in a lineage of projects rejecting European monumentality and embracing user participation, from a pavilion to be ‘grown’ from trees over the course of sixty years to a bridge formed of two slides. While fun, they are serious proposals, not jokes. Of the pool, UMA wrote:

Most proposals that we have seen puts way too much focus and effort on the spire… Instead we let the bell towers, the flying buttresses and the rose windows do the talking… Maybe the pool will be replaced in a hundred years or so, becoming another layer of great stories. 19 UMA, ‘Notre Dame’, accessed on 18 January 2020, https://www.u-m-a.se/filter/Featured/NOTRE-DAME.

They sought to create a novel, delightful public experience in the heart of the city, preserving what people already love about the building, eschewing the earnest form-making of other proposals. Why, then, was this light-hearted, thoughtful scheme lost on its audience?

Hélène Lipstadt writes that architects perceive competitions, at least in the early phases, as a rare opportunity to exert disciplinary autonomy. Competitions are said to replicate the freedom of artists and authors: creativity is rewarded, with cost pressures and the clients’ whims offset by independent, knowledgeable jurors. 20 ‘The competition temporarily endows architecture with the autonomy of those fields [literature, the fine arts]. When architects compete, the dependency on the sponsor is suspended and the act of entering formal competitions gains them the kind of autonomy historically accorded to artists. A competition is thus the space in which architects can act as if, and believe themselves to be, full-fledged, relatively autonomous creators.’  Hélène Lipstadt, ‘Experimenting with the Experimental Tradition, 1989–2009: On Competitions and Architecture Research’, Nordic Journal of Architectural Research 21, no. 2/3 (2009): 15. See also Paul Gottschling, ‘Where Design Competitions Matter: Architectural Artefacts and Discursive Events’, Journal of Material Culture 23, no. 2 (2018),: 151–68. All participants in this sheltered system are accustomed to interpreting competitions as an exercise in autonomy, from entrants and jurors, to peers viewing entries in specialist architecture publications and exhibitions. This frees entrants to push against some of the external economic, aesthetic and technical considerations that constrain other projects. If this is true, then online competitions unleash these disciplinary forces on an unsuspecting public who encounter the full range of unfiltered entries, not just those shortlisted and approved for public consumption. 21 As Elisabeth Tostrup writes, even while architects believe themselves to be working in an autonomous system, juries increasingly consider the public reaction to a work in their deliberation. Elisabeth Tostrup, ‘On Competition Rhetoric and Contemporary Trends’, in Competition Grid : Experimenting with and Within Architecture Competitions, ed. Maria Theodorou and Antigoni Katsakou (London: RIBA Publications, 2018), 24. See also Hélène Lipstadt’s preface in the same publication. It was easy to misunderstand a meme like the ball pit when it leaked from its specific subculture to the mainstream, where viewers were unfamiliar with UMA’s pool and architecture memes. In the same way, there is an inevitable confusion when competition entries are accessible on generalist design media websites and social media accounts; catering simultaneously to an architectural audience that knows what to expect from such competitions and a public that does not.

Copies and consensus

It is common for broad themes to emerge in competition entries. Susan Holden writes that the Centre Pompidou brief emphasised solutions combining ‘monumentality’ and ‘change’ in the context of Archigram and Cedric Price’s English avant-garde, producing a host of similar mega-structural proposals with moving parts. 22 Susan Holden, ‘Megastructures and Monuments: The Dilemma of Finding a “Permanent Image of Change” in the Plateau Beaubourg Competition, 1970–71’, Fabrications 21, no. 2 (2012): 83–112. See also ‘The Pompidolium’, The Architectural Review (Archive : 1896–2005) 161, no. 693 (1977): 270–72. Naomi Stead argues that the brief for Brisbane’s contemporary art gallery, QAGOMA, was explicitly written to solicit entries sensitive to the subtropical climate that were stylistically informed by the local timber-and-tin vernacular architecture. 23 Naomi Stead, ‘The Brisbane Effect: GOMA and the Architectural Competition for a New Institutional Building’, in Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand 32, ed. Paul Hogben and Judith O’Callaghan (Sydney: SAHANZ, 2015): 627–39. Aureli claimed that the Helsinki competition entries were a group of projects without distinction, united only by the way the Guggenheim used their bland consistency to ‘construct consensus around a controversial building.’ 24 Aureli, ‘Can Architecture Be Political?’ Deamer thought the only unifying quality was a ‘confusion over what a supposed parametric zeitgeist may or may not imply’. 25 Deamer, ‘ The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’, 4. In these three cases, design consensus was constructed explicitly through competition briefs, and fostered implicitly by contemporaneous architecture culture. Yet in each case, it took scholars with detailed knowledge of the competition context and archive to draw out similarities that would not be immediately obvious to the public: similarities less to do with visual resemblances than common conceptual and theoretical strategies.

In contrast, both architectural and lay commentators immediately noticed the transparent roof and spire common to many of the Notre Dame Proposals. In part, this could be attributed to Phillipe’s calls for contemporary techniques, or President Macron’s boast that the replacement would be ‘more beautiful’ than before. 26 Adam Nossiter, ‘In Aftermath of Notre-Dame Fire, Macron Urges Unity in Fragmented Nation’, The New York Times, 16 April 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/16/world/europe/notre-dame-fire-investigation.html. Yet this homogeneity was too complete, and glass hardly the only material for contemporary, beautiful architecture. The difference here was that, without the anonymity that has been a hallmark of serious competitions since the Italian Renaissance – supposed to ensure that entries are judged on their merits alone, rather than the fame of the designer – proposals were conceived in a context saturated with images of other schemes. 27 Hélène Lipstadt and Barry Bergdoll, The Experimental Tradition : Essays on Competitions in Architecture (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1989), 15. The speed with which Notre Dame renderings were produced and disseminated online demonstrates how easy it now is to share early ideas before conditions of competition entry and anonymity are announced. Whether or not this secrecy always functions in picking an anonymous winner, it does ensure that entrants only see other proposals once the shortlist is revealed 28 See, for example, Crossman’s account of the Opera Bastille competition (1986) where jurors chose a scheme they thought produced by Richard Meier, ‘but was in fact penned by an unknown Uruguayan practicing in Canada named Carlos Ott’. Camille Crossman, “‘Jury boards as “risk managers”: Analysing jury deliberations within architectural competitions against the background of risk management’, in Strebel and Silberberger (eds.), Architecture Competition, 117. In contrast, the connection between some Notre Dame projects was explicit: Miyosis first posted their glass-roofed proposal in the Dezeen comments section, below several other near-identical proposals.

Accusations of copying remain controversial in architecture discourse, despite its presence throughout the discipline’s history. Copying continues to imply a lack of originality and authenticity, and potentially infringes copyright law. 29 Neil Leach, ‘The Culture of the Copy’, Architectural Design 86, no. 5 (2016): 126–33. Urtzi Grau and Cristina Goberna, ’What Kinds of Copies?’ Log no. 31 (2014): 139–42. Understanding this free flow of influence from scheme to scheme as a meme offers a way to remove some of this disciplinary baggage. All faced with the same problem at the same moment, transparent reconstructions might be considered a kind of collective solution; developed in tandem by different firms at the same time, each with different strengths and abilities. In the same way that memes develop through the network of connections built between modifications and reposts, each version of Notre Dame in glass or crystal offers a different perspective on the same proposal. Like memes, this process might have exhausted itself, or it might re-emerge as the dominant, obvious solution, should a competition eventuate.

Memes offline

It is tempting to dismiss internet memes, and this essay with them, as a juvenile internet phenomenon, comically ill-suited to serious study. Milner and Shifman, however, have characterised such patently un-comical internet trends as Black Lives Matter and Occupy Wall Street as memes; built on slogans and images online but effecting real change. 30 Milner, The World Made Meme, 219; Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture, 129–38. What was published online will ultimately influence any future Notre Dame competitions: we can only speculate whether this will prompt glass roofs, exhaust the appetite for ‘outlandish’ designs or foster an atmosphere of further experimentation. Indeed, proposals like UMA’s pool and Fuksas’s crystalline spire have already inspired entries in the real GoArchitect’s ideas competition. On the other hand, the proliferation of unsolicited proposals has arguably stoked public fears of an insensitive architectural solution, contributing to the French Senate’s decision to block an official competition.

Milner writes that at their best, memes become sites where multiple voices converge to exchange ideas on a relatively equal field. Popular culture provides a common language for diverse groups. 31 Milner, The World Made Meme, 111. Indeed, Notre Dame bypassed the traditional black box of anonymous entries and jury deliberations, opening the discussion to critics like Wainwright and the public, who both communicated with images. Through a network of interactions on social media, architecture media websites and online competitions like that of GoArchitect, it engaged architects, designers, politicians and enthusiasts in conversation over the future of a beloved icon. Despite this, specific disciplinary knowledge has continued to separate architects and non-architects, leading to the sort of disorientation that characterised the comments on Dezeen.

Tracing the ways that the Notre Dame controversy resembles a meme uncovers many of same institutional and disciplinary structures that have characterised competitions in the past. Even without becoming an official project, Notre Dame remained under the control of different branches of the French government, who announced the competition, cancelled it and established its terms and parameters. Mainstream design websites acted as gatekeepers little different to traditional journals, deciding which schemes to publish from social media, while architects produced proposals and renderings without immediate financial gain. 32 As Milner notes, memes are often still dependant on cultural gatekeepers like BuzzFeed to achieve mainstream success. On another level, recommendation algorithms within social media platforms themselves also contribute to a meme’s popularity. Milner, The World Made Meme, 199–201. Meme producers exploited an intimate knowledge of both architecture and internet culture, acting from within the discipline.

Notre Dame may have become a meme, but in many ways it still resembled a traditional competition. In simultaneously reinforcing existing power dynamics while opening new modes of engagement and experimentation, it exposes an institution in transition. How well this existing model adapts to the internet, or prompts the emergence of an entirely new model, will depend on how future competitions grapple with these issues of anonymity, public engagement, reward, gatekeepers and even memes. Ultimately Notre Dame might simply reveal online competitions as a future reality: neither nightmare nor utopia, but as much a part of architecture culture as competitions offline.

 

  1. Jon Henley, ‘France announces contest to redesign Notre Dame spire’, The Guardian, 18 April 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/global/2019/apr/17/france-announces-architecture-competition-rebuild-notre-dames-spire. Other journalists were quick to point out the political utility of Emmanuel Macron’s calls for ‘a more beautiful cathedral’ to be built in just five years, in time for the Paris 2024 Olympics, projecting an image of a progressive, modern government, distracting public attention in the midst of the populist ‘yellow vest’ protests. Dorothy Wickenden, ‘The Notre-Dame Fire Could Be a Turning Point for the Macron Presidency’, The New Yorker, 18 April 2019, https://www.newyorker.com/podcast/political-scene/the-notre-dame-fire-could-be-a-turning-point-for-the-macron-presidency.
  2. Since then, none of the promised funds have been released, prompting some commentators to accuse France’s billionaires of cynically exploiting tax loopholes and of pledging support only to wield disproportionate influence on the reconstruction when it begins. Aditya Chakrabortty, ‘The lesson from the ruins of Notre Dame: don’t rely on billionaires’, The Guardian, 18 July 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/18/ruins-notre-dame-billionaires-french-philanthropy.
  3. Linda Varlese, ‘Massimiliano Fuksas: “Immagino un pinnacolo di cristallo di Baccarat per la nuova Notre Dame”’, Huffpost, 16 April 2019, https://www.huffingtonpost.it/2019/04/16/massimiliano-fuksas-immagino-un-pinnacolo-di-cristallo-di-baccarat-per-la-nuova-notre-dame_a_23712564/.
  4. Tom Ravenscroft, ‘Seven alternative spires for Notre-Dame Cathedral’, Dezeen, 25 April 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/04/25/notre-dame-spire-alternative-cathedral-designs/.
  5. Tom Ravenscroft, “Seven of the most outrageous proposals for Notre-Dame,” Dezeen, 15 May, 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/05/15/notre-dame-rebuild-outrageous-proposals/. BoredPanda, a non-architecture website aggregating memes and general internet culture, attributed the carpark design to Pascal Smet, minister of mobility and public infrastructure for Brussels, who had retweeted the image. Giedrė Vaičiulaitytė, ‘9 Ridiculous Proposals for the Notre Dame Restoration’, BoredPanda, https://www.boredpanda.com/notre-dame-cathedral-outrageous-redesign-proposals/?utm_source=google&utm_medium=organic&utm_campaign=organic.
  6. Sebastian Errazuriz (@sebastianstudio), ‘This little piece’, Instagram, 17 May 2019, https://www.instagram.com/p/Bxidsq_BHFT/ . ­
  7. Tom Ravenscroft, “Notre-Dame must be restored to ‘last known visual state’ says French Senate,” Dezeen, 29 May 2019, https://www.dezeen.com/2019/05/29/restore-notre-dame-cathedral-french-senate/.
  8. Liam James, ‘Notre Dame design competition seeks new roof for world famous Paris cathedral’, The Independent, 21 June 2019, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/notre-dame-cathedral-roof-fire-design-competition-paris-france-a8968791.html.
  9. Peggy Deamer, ‘The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition: What Is the Value Proposition?’, The Avery Review 8 (2015), 1-5, https://averyreview.com/content/3-issues/8-8/1-the-guggenheim-helsinki-competition/deamer.pdf; Pier Vittorio Aureli, ‘Can Architecture Be Political?’, lecture at the Architectural Association, London, 6 December 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8dd73Sd0xpU.
  10. Andrew Kovacs, ‘Archive of Affinities Making Architecture from Architecture’, Architectural Design 89, no. 4 (2019): 54–61; Mark Foster Gage, ‘Killing Simplicity: Object-Oriented Philosophy in Architecture’, Log no. 33 (2015): 95–106.
  11. Deamer, ‘Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’; Derreck Leavitt, ‘Why Open Competitions Are Bad for Architects’, Modative Blog, 18 May 2010, http://www.modative.com/modern-architects-blog/bid/31683/Why-Open-Architecture-Competitions-Are-Bad-for-Architects; Taller de Casquería, ‘Guggenheim Helsinki: Architectural Competition Data’, 15 October 2014. Infographic video, 4:31. https://vimeo.com/109085572.
  12. Ryan M. Milner, The World Made Meme: Public Conversations and Participatory Media, ed. ProQuest (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2016), 3.
  13. The original definition comes from Richard Dawkins: ‘a unit of cultural transmission, or a unit of imitation’. Limor Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013), 41.
  14. As Milner notes, the ability to easily appropriate an image is a key indicator of the popularity of a meme, allowing users to easily use it for their own purposes, making it their own. Milner, The World Made Meme, 29.
  15. Milner characterises this more broadly as an image’s resonance. Milner, The World Made Meme, 32. Shifman writes that ‘a fundamental feature of many memetic photos is a striking incongruity between two or more elements in the frame’. Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture, 90.
  16. Milner sees this sort of ‘shared resonance’ and collectivism at the heart of meme culture. Milner, The World Made Meme, 33.
  17. Ignaz Strebel and Jan Silberberger, ‘Introduction: Unpacking Architectural Competitions – Project Design and the Building Process’, in Architecture Competition : Project Design and the Building Process, ed. Ignaz Strebel and Jan Silberberger (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017), 1–27.
  18. Deamer, ‘The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’, 4.
  19. UMA, ‘Notre Dame’, accessed on 18 January 2020, https://www.u-m-a.se/filter/Featured/NOTRE-DAME.
  20. ‘The competition temporarily endows architecture with the autonomy of those fields [literature, the fine arts]. When architects compete, the dependency on the sponsor is suspended and the act of entering formal competitions gains them the kind of autonomy historically accorded to artists. A competition is thus the space in which architects can act as if, and believe themselves to be, full-fledged, relatively autonomous creators.’  Hélène Lipstadt, ‘Experimenting with the Experimental Tradition, 1989–2009: On Competitions and Architecture Research’, Nordic Journal of Architectural Research 21, no. 2/3 (2009): 15. See also Paul Gottschling, ‘Where Design Competitions Matter: Architectural Artefacts and Discursive Events’, Journal of Material Culture 23, no. 2 (2018),: 151–68.
  21. As Elisabeth Tostrup writes, even while architects believe themselves to be working in an autonomous system, juries increasingly consider the public reaction to a work in their deliberation. Elisabeth Tostrup, ‘On Competition Rhetoric and Contemporary Trends’, in Competition Grid : Experimenting with and Within Architecture Competitions, ed. Maria Theodorou and Antigoni Katsakou (London: RIBA Publications, 2018), 24. See also Hélène Lipstadt’s preface in the same publication.
  22. Susan Holden, ‘Megastructures and Monuments: The Dilemma of Finding a “Permanent Image of Change” in the Plateau Beaubourg Competition, 1970–71’, Fabrications 21, no. 2 (2012): 83–112. See also ‘The Pompidolium’, The Architectural Review (Archive : 1896–2005) 161, no. 693 (1977): 270–72.
  23. Naomi Stead, ‘The Brisbane Effect: GOMA and the Architectural Competition for a New Institutional Building’, in Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand 32, ed. Paul Hogben and Judith O’Callaghan (Sydney: SAHANZ, 2015): 627–39.
  24. Aureli, ‘Can Architecture Be Political?’
  25. Deamer, ‘ The Guggenheim Helsinki Competition’, 4.
  26. Adam Nossiter, ‘In Aftermath of Notre-Dame Fire, Macron Urges Unity in Fragmented Nation’, The New York Times, 16 April 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/16/world/europe/notre-dame-fire-investigation.html.
  27. Hélène Lipstadt and Barry Bergdoll, The Experimental Tradition : Essays on Competitions in Architecture (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1989), 15.
  28. See, for example, Crossman’s account of the Opera Bastille competition (1986) where jurors chose a scheme they thought produced by Richard Meier, ‘but was in fact penned by an unknown Uruguayan practicing in Canada named Carlos Ott’. Camille Crossman, “‘Jury boards as “risk managers”: Analysing jury deliberations within architectural competitions against the background of risk management’, in Strebel and Silberberger (eds.), Architecture Competition, 117.
  29. Neil Leach, ‘The Culture of the Copy’, Architectural Design 86, no. 5 (2016): 126–33. Urtzi Grau and Cristina Goberna, ’What Kinds of Copies?’ Log no. 31 (2014): 139–42.
  30. Milner, The World Made Meme, 219; Shifman, Memes in Digital Culture, 129–38.
  31. Milner, The World Made Meme, 111.
  32. As Milner notes, memes are often still dependant on cultural gatekeepers like BuzzFeed to achieve mainstream success. On another level, recommendation algorithms within social media platforms themselves also contribute to a meme’s popularity. Milner, The World Made Meme, 199–201.

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Crackpot’ and ‘Dangerous’: On the authenticity of Miesian reproductions

author

Hamish Lonergan

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Hamish Lonergan, “‘Crackpot’ and ‘Dangerous’: On the Authenticity of Miesian Reproductions,” in Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand 37, ed. Kate Hislop and Hannah Lewi (Perth: SAHANZ), 207-215.

Abstract

In 2016, the architectural press reported the planned reconstruction of Mies van der Rohe’s Wolf House, built in 1927 in Gubin, Poland, and destroyed during World War Two. Supporters claimed that, by consulting the architect’s presentation drawings, they could rebuild the house authentically. They cited a simplistic reading of philosopher Nelson Goodman’s distinction between autographic art—where an original is certified by the hand of the author—and the allographic, which is replicated through notation. Barry Bergdoll called the proposal ‘crackpot’, arguing that without the lost construction documentation it would become a ‘simulacrum’: an allusion to Jean Baudrillard’s notion of a copy without reference. Mies himself thought there was something ‘dangerous’ in building ‘a model of a real house’ after constructing his own full-scale façade mock-up for the unbuilt Kröller-Müller House (1913). Since then, an unprecedented number of reproductions have entered into their own ‘dangerous’ conversation with Mies’ work, trading to varying degrees on their authenticity. Some, like the Barcelona Pavilion reconstruction (1986) engage with heritage and archival practices in an attempt to accurately reconstruct a lost work. Others, often appearing in exhibitions such as OMA’s La Casa Palestra at the 1985 Milan Triennale, exploit the fame of Mies’ architecture to offer a rhetorical interpretation that reinforces their own authorial signature. Meanwhile self-professed 1:1 models, like Robbrecht en Daem’s Mies 1:1 Golf Club Project (2013), seem deliberately tied to Mies’ authority, stripping away materials to focus on a singular reading of the work in a model-making tradition stretching back to Alberti. By returning to Goodman’s autographic/allographic dichotomy and Baudrillard’s simulacrum, this paper seeks to make sense of these multiplying reproductions across art, architecture and conservation, and their conflicting claims to authenticity. Ultimately, this frames Miesian reproductions as one contested site in broader discussions of architecture’s relationship to authorship and authentic heritage.

It is noteworthy how often Ludwig Mies van der Rohe is photographed with his models. He peers at us between buildings, points out features to clients and colleagues, and bends down to see the Farnsworth House from ground level. Beatriz Colomina notes that Miesian histories nearly always comment on his substantial figure, but in the play of scales in these images he appears monstrous. 1 Beatriz Colomina, ‘Mies Not,’ in Presence of Mies, ed. Detlef Mertins, (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 169. For Vitruvius, scale models were untrustworthy. Writing in the Ten Books of Architecture, he warned ‘not all things are practicable on identical principles’: that some things that seem reasonable at small-scale are proven impossible or unsuccessful when built. 2 Although this passage appears in chapter 10, where Vitruvius discusses the use and construction of machines, he is clear that the models of machines he discusses were constructed by architects. Vitruvius, The Ten Books on Architecture, trans. Morris Hicky Morgan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914), 317. Nonetheless, since the Renaissance, scale models have assumed a fundamental role, alongside drawing and writing, in developing and expressing architectural ideas. Indeed, the 20th Century seems to have witnessed the reversal of Vitruvius’ formulation. Whereas small-scale models are interpreted as crucial to Mies’ architecture and reputation, the profusion of life-size reproductions—from both van der Rohe himself and others—have been more difficult to assess.

This paper reflects on an unprecedent number of Miesian reproductions in the last fifty years, and the way they enter into a dialogue with history: drawing on Mies’ authority while asserting new interpretations. At the same time, they are inevitably transported to a different time and place, resulting in slippages—both deliberate and accidental—from the original, which affect perceptions of their authenticity. In this paper, following a detour to the Kröller-Müller House, I consider three broad categories of reproductions: proposed and actual reconstructions, such the Wolf House and Barcelona Pavilion; speculative, artistic interpretations such as La Casa Palestra; and self-professed 1:1 models, such as Robbrecht en Daem’s 1:1 Golf Club Project. In examining these multiplying Miesian reproductions across art, architecture and conservation, we can begin to understand what their appeal tells us more broadly about those closely related notions of authority, authorship and authentic heritage.

Uncanny Copies

Mies himself had an ambiguous relationship with full-scale versions of his work. In 1912, he oversaw construction of a full-scale façade mock-up of his Kröller-Müller House proposal, in painted sailcloth and timber. 3 Mies began the project working as Peter Behrens’ assistant. In 1912, a first full-scale mockup was commissioned of Behrens’ proposal. Later that year, Mies left Behrens’ office and assumed the commission himself, constructing a second mock-up of his own proposal. See Detlef Mertins, Mies (London: Phaidon Press, 2014), 44-55; Franz Schulze and Edward Windhorst, Mies van der Rohe: A Critical Biography (Chicago and London: The Uiversity of Chicago Press, 2012), 37-43. The proposal was rejected; he lost the commission to Hendrik Petrus Berlage, whose scheme was also never constructed. Even in these circumstances, without an original ever existing off the page, Mies later agreed that that it was ‘dangerous to build a model of a real house’ at full-scale; he is characteristically, and frustratingly, laconic on the precise nature of this danger, saying only that ‘50,000 guilders is a lot of money’. 4 Henry Thomas Cadbury-Brown, ‘Ludwig Mies van der Rohe in conversation with H T Cadbury-Brown,’ AA Files no. 66 (2013): 71 Carsten Krohn speculates that this danger relates to the reduction of the complexity of architecture to a two-dimensional impression: capturing massing but lacking material qualities and a true sense of place. 5 Carsten Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe: The Built Work, trans. Julian Reisenberger, (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2014), 80. It is tempting, however, to interpret Mies’ fear more existentially. As Hillel Schwartz notes, Modernist literature is full of doppelgangers and evil twins, who usurp their original’s place in society. 6 Hillel Schwartz, The Culture of the Copy: Striking Likenesses, Unreasonable Facsimiles (Cambridge, MA.: Zone Books, 2013). On the copy in architecture, see Ines Weizman, ‘Architectural Doppelgängers,’ AA Files, no. 65 (2012): 19-20, 22-24. For Freud, the double was deeply uncanny: ‘a vision of terror’ that recalled ‘the sense of helplessness experienced in some dream-states’. 7 Sigmund Freud ‘The “Uncanny,’ in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XVII (1917-1919): An Infantile Neurosis and Other Works, trans. Alix Strachey (London: The Hogarth Press, 1919), 217-256. If a model can do so much—complete with ‘partitions and ceilings [that] could move up and down’—clients might wonder why they should ever inhabit real architecture at all.

Since then, the Kröller-Müller House has accumulated a cult following. Commentators, from art historian Paul Westheim to critic Paul Goldberger and architect Rem Koolhaas, saw the lightness of the mock-up as the bridge between early works, influenced by Schinkel’s classicism, and the glass ephemerality of the Barcelona Pavilion (1929) and Friedrichstrasse skyscraper proposal (1922). 8 Mertins also reads a strong connection to Berlage’s geometry and Wright’s organic architecture. Mertins, Mies, 44-55; Paul Westheim, ‘Mies van der Rohe – Entwicklung eines Architekten,’ Das Kunstblatt, vol. 2 (1927), 56, quoted in Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe, 25; Rem Koolhaas and Bruce Mau, S M L XL (New York: the Monacelli Press, 1995), 63; Paul Goldberger, ‘Architecture: Mies Show at Modern’, New York Times, Feb. 10, 1986, https://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/10/arts/architecture-mies-show-at-modern.html. In many ways, reactions to subsequent reconstructions were prefigured in the reception of the Kröller-Müller House: alternatively viewed as a seductive opportunity for reinterpretation, or as a pale, inaccurate and uncanny reflection of an existing or projected original.

Authenticity or Simulacrum

Mies’ Wolf House is a useful place to begin this account: built in 1927 in the German city of Guben and largely destroyed in World War Two. Becoming part of Poland as the iron curtain dropped—the city renamed Gubin in the process—there had been relatively little interest in the house until recently, despite Wolf Tegethoff judging it Mies’ ‘first opportunity to translate into actual fact the ideas he had developed in his two country house projects’, 9 Wolf Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe: The villas and country houses (Cambridge, MA. and London: MIT Press, 1985), 58. a sentiment echoed by Barry Bergdoll. 10 Bergdoll called it ‘the first building in which Mies was able to bridge the gap between his commissioned work and his ideal projects’. Barry Bergdoll, ‘The Nature of Mies’s Space,’ in Mies in Berlin, ed. Terence Riley, Barry Bergdoll and Vittorio Magnago Lampugnani (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2001), 87. In part, this was due to a paucity of physical remnants—garden terraces, a driveway and a basement—and a limited set of presentation and construction drawings, with carefully controlled exterior photograph, almost entirely lacking images of the interior. 11 See Bergdoll, ‘The Nature of Mies’s Space,’ 88; Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 58-59. In 2016, however, a string of articles appeared in the English-language architectural press for the first time, reporting that a German foundation planned to reconstruct the house on its original site. 12 See Gerrit Wiesmann, ‘A Push to Rebuild a Modernist Gem by Mies,’ New York Times, Mar. 21, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/01/arts/design/rebuilding-a-modernist-gem-from-mies-van-der-rohe.html; Anna Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork,’ Architectural Record, Apr. 21, 2016, https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/11624-scholars-debate-the-fate-of-a-lost-mies-masterwork; Robin Oomkes, ‘Recreating Mies’ Villa Wolf at Gubin,’ Dead Emperors’ Society, Apr. 10, 2016, https://deademperorssociety.com/2016/04/10/recreating-mies-villa-berg-at-gubin/.

In German universities, the proposal had already become a minor architectural controversy. As early as 2013, a former president of the German Federal Office for Building and Regional Planning, Florian Mausbach, launched a foundation tasked with reconstructing the villa as a 1:1 model, in time for the Bauhaus Centenary in 2019. 13 ‘Milestones,’ Mies van der Rohe Museum: Villa Wolf Gubin, accessed on August 20, 2020, https://cargocollective.com/villawolfgubin/Meilensteine In 2014, the foundation collaborated with researchers and students from the Potsdam University of Applied Science to document the site and accumulate all available information on the house, including interviews with Wolf’s children. 14 ‘Reconstruction of the destroyed Villa Wolf (Gubin) by L. Mies van der Rohe,’ Fachhochschule Potsdam University of Applied Science, January 4, 2015, https://www.fh-potsdam.de/forschen/projekte/projekt-detailansicht/project-action/rekonstruktion-der-kriegszerstoerten-villa-wolf-gubin-von-l-mies-van-der-rohe/. Although researchers there ultimately concluded that there was insufficient documentation for a full reconstruction, in 2016 the foundation officially launched the project and, in 2019, they held an exhibition and conference, with presentations from major Miesian scholars, including Tegethoff. At the same time, opposition continued from other prominent figures in German academia: a letter calling for a ‘contemporary interpretation’ rather than a reconstruction was signed by over forty professors of architecture in 2016. 15 Franco Stella, ‘Discussion about how to deal with the Wolf House in Gubin,’ Cultural Heritage Center, Brandenburg Technical University, 2016, https://www.b-tu.de/cultural-heritage-centre/diskussion/haus-wolf-in-gubin#c109435.

I am less interested, here, in the specific approaches to this reconstruction, than the competing philosophical frameworks of authorship and authenticity in the debate. Dietrich Neumann—a professor at Brown University, advising Mausbach—suggested they knew more about the Wolf House than the Barcelona Pavilion. Indeed, thirty years earlier, Tegethoff had catalogued 98 surviving plans for the house, from initial concept and building approval to construction. 16 Tegethoff, however, does note inconsistencies between elevations and plans, and difficulties in dating certain drawings. Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 58-59. Like the Barcelona Pavilion reconstruction, Neumann argued that the experiencing the house on-site at full scale had more to offer visitors and scholars than these plans and photographs alone: ‘haptic and sensuously tangible in different times of the day and year within its context with the views overlooking the river Neisse’. 17 Dietrich Neumann, ‘Visions’, e-architect, 21 May, 2017, accessed on 1 November 2020, https://www.e-architect.com/poland/wolf-house-guben-by-mies-van-der-rohe.

On the charge of inauthenticity and artificiality, Nuemann cited philosopher Nelson Goodman and his distinction between autographic and allographic arts. 18 Neumann, quoted in Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork.’ Autographic arts value an original because of its direct connection to the artist, meaning that a forgery will never be genuine, no matter how accurate. 19 Nelson Goodman, Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrilll Company, 1968). Allographic arts have no original. Like dance or symphonic music, artists and performers produce an authentic version by following a script or other notation of the work. Nuemann claimed that architecture is an allographic art and so an authentic version of the Wolf house could be created from the available plans. Goodman, however, concludes that architecture is an interstitial case: working from a plan, which is like notation, but historically tied to a single author and instance. 20 Goodman, Languages of Art, 221.

For critics, this defence seemed to miss the point. Leo Schmidt, professor of architecture at Brandenburg Technical University, argued that ‘rebuilding the Wolf House as an empty shell would not deepen our understanding of Mies…we know very few details…The rebuilt house could end up with bare, white-walled rooms’. 21 Schmidt quoted in Wiesmann, ‘A push to Rebuild a Modernist Gem by Mies.’ The problem was less an issue of Mies’ missing signature, than the scarcity of detailed documentation: floorplans were not enough. Bergdoll called the proposal ‘crackpot’, arguing that even an ideal version of the Wolf house—originally built in brick and plaster—would have none of the reflective, phenomenological qualities that made the reconstructed Barcelona Pavilion worthwhile. It would, instead, become a ‘simulacrum of the spatial sequence.’ 22 Bergman quoted in Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork.’ This seems an allusion to the philosophy of Jean Baudrillard and his argument that, in a Postmodern world, simulacra become copies without an original, ‘never exchanged for the real, but exchanged for itself, in an uninterrupted circuit without reference or circumference.’ 23 Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1994), 6. Although a version of the Wolf House had existed once, Bergdoll implied that the lack of documentation meant there was no true reality for the reconstruction to reference, becoming an inauthentic symbol divorced from the reality of the building remnants on site.

Two Barcelona Pavilions

Debate surrounding the Wolf House frequently invoked the earlier reconstruction of the Barcelona Pavilion: first constructed for the German section of 1929 Barcelona International Exhibition, before it was dismantled in 1930. In 1986, Ignasi de Solà-Morales, Cristian Cirici and Fernando Ramos reconstructed the pavilion from archival photographs and plans. Some scholars, including Neil Levine and Juan Pablo Bonta, argue the reconstruction is less effective at describing and preserving the space than photographs or written description. 24 Neil Levine, ‘Building the Unbuilt: Authenticity and the Archive,’ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historian 67, no. 1 (Mar 2008): 14-17; Juan Pablo Bonta, An Anatomy of Architectural Interpretations: A Semiotic Review of the Criticism of Mies van der Rohe’s Barcelona Pavilion (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1975).

Yet Bergdoll is not alone in praising its experiential, reflective qualities. 25 For a detailed account of the intellectual, heuristic implications of this mirroring, see Mertins, Mies, 149-155. Robin Evans’ account of the multiplying, mirroring surfaces is particularly poetic: ‘notice the difficulty of distinguishing the travertine floor, which reflects the light, from the plaster ceiling, which receives it…Here, Mies used material asymmetry to create optical symmetry.’ 26 Robin Evans, ‘Mies van der Rohe’s Paradoxical Symmetries,’ AA Files, no. 19 (1990): 63– 64. It is telling that Evans credits Mies with these reflective qualities, neglecting even to mention Solà-Morales and his collaborators by name.

Indeed, accounts of the building—in both popular and academic discourse—tend to attribute the effects of the reconstruction to Mies alone, to say nothing of Lilly Reich’s contribution. 27 Reich was artistic director of the German contribution to the Barcelona Exhibition but, as Colomina argues, it is an open secret that she also influenced Mies’ ‘radical approach to defining space by suspending sensuous surface’. Beatriz Colomina, ‘The Private Life of Modern Architecture,’ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, no. 3 (Sep 1999): 462-471. According to Jorge Otero-Pailos, this is typical of preservation architecture. He writes that ‘preservation’s central expressive ideal is self-effacement,’ yet, at the same time, total self-effacement can become indistinguishable from the original, falsifying and undermining its authenticity. 28 Jorge Otero-Pailos, ‘On self-effacement: the aesthetics of preservation,’ Place and Displacement: Exhibiting Architecture (Baden: Lars Müller Publishers, 2014), 231 Paradoxically, in the erasure of Solà-Morales’ authorship, the Barcelona Pavilion comes close to this falsification. The difficulty was that the pavilion had already become a familiar icon through the same fragmentary photographs and presentation plans used in its reconstruction: the 13 Berliner Bild-Bericht photographic prints, favoured by Mies in publications, lacking as-built construction drawings. 29 See George Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces: Desiring the Barcelona Pavilion,’ RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no 39 (Spring 2001): 168-191. In prioritising visual fidelity to this icon in their reinterpretation—despite the lack of precise documentation raised in the Wolf House debate—the architects’ reconstruction was wholly subsumed in an idea of Mies’ pavilion, with none of the critical distancing devices that have increasingly played a role in heritage discourse.

Without such devices, all reconstructive decisions are evaluated against what can be determined of the original. Schulze and Windhorst note that modifications were needed to turn a temporary pavilion into a permanent one—’correcting original flaws, including a sagging roof widely commented on in 1929-30’—but scholars frequently catalogue less deliberate discrepancies. 30 Schulze and Windhorst, Mies van der Rohe, 125. See also Jonathan Hill, ‘Weathering the Barcelona Pavilion,’ The Journal of Architecture 7, no. 4 (2002): 319-327; Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces’, 177 Krohn is especially scathing. He writes that the roof is made of the wrong materials, the glazing and onyx are the wrong shade and that the red curtain is not present in any original images. 31 Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe, 80. Mertins, however, cites the velvet curtain as part of Reich’s furnishings for the original pavilion. Mertins, Mies, 14 In this way, Kohn represents the authority of the Barcelona Pavilion reproduction as wholly drawn from Mies, while the authenticity of that reproduction is brought into question through deviances from the original.

It was precisely this sort dissonance with an original and the impossibility of bringing the archive to life that spurred La Casa Palestra. Staged by OMA/Rem Koolhaas at the 1985 Milan Triennale, it beat the official reconstruction in Barcelona into existence. According to OMA, their version confronted a dominant account of Modernism as lifeless and severe, by dynamically curving the plan and filling it with exercise equipment and bodybuilders. 32 Office for Metropolitan Architecture, ‘La Casa Palestra / Town Hall and Library, the Hague,’ AA Files, no. 13 (1986): 8-15. At the same time, the installation was in dialogue with what Koolhaas labelled the ‘clone’ in Barcelona. La Casa Palestra was intended to approach a ‘higher authenticity’ by uncovering the building’s history rather than recreating it. Koolhaas claimed to have traced the pavilion’s original materials to a dank locker room, built and never used for the 1952 Olympics. Looking back from 1995 in S, M, L, XL, he asked ‘how fundamentally did [the clone] differ from Disney?’, 33 Koolhaas and Mau, S M L XL, 49. but of course his own history was a fabrication. The pavilion was dismantled and the materials sold to offset the cost of construction.

Like Bergdoll before him, by invoking Disney, Koolhaas seems to refer to Baudrillard’s Simulacra and Simulation, published to acclaim and controversy more than a decade earlier. For Baudrillard, Disneyland is the ‘perfect model of all the entangled orders of simulacra’. 34 Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 12. Elsewhere in S M L XL, Koolhaas explicitly references Baudrillard. Koolhaas and Mau, S M L XL, 967. Both Levine and Dodds also raise the spectres of ‘Disneyfication’, simulacrum and Baudrillard in discussing the Barcelona Pavilion. Levine, ‘Building the Unbuilt’; Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces’. Not only does it mask its own garbled original—two-dimensional and inaccurate representations of pirates and the Wild-West—but Disneyland becomes a ‘deterrence machine set up in order to rejuvenate the fiction of the real’. 35 Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 13 Although it is sometimes difficult to know how far he trusts his own rhetoric, according to Baudrillard Disneyland exists to disguise the total absence of reality beyond its walls. The world outside has become ‘hyperreal’, full of references and differences, but with no referent at all: not even the faint original of the Wild West.

Read in this way, Koolhaas’s project seems to question the very basis for a truly real or authentic reconstruction, particularly from the disjointed history depicted in the available plans and photographs. And in constructing his own version of Mies’ work, he implies the impossibility of any originality and authenticity in architecture at all. Framed in this way—leveraging a relationship to the supposed-original to argue his own position through architecture—OMA could claim to be the building’ designer while being entirely transparent in their references to van der Rohe.

Artistic License

Full-size interpretations of Mies’ work since have entered into a similar conversation, with clear visual references to an original, but attributed to their artistic creator. Iñigo Manglano-Ovalle’s installation Gravity is a Force to be Reckoned With (2009), upturned a 1:1 model of the conceptual 50×50 House (1951). Even in this abstract presentation of a little-known and never-built house, its material detailing—with exposed universal columns—reveals links to Mies’s oeuvre, particularly the Farnsworth House. Manuel Peralta Lorca’s Welcome Less Is More (2010) replaced the Farnsworth House’s glass, travertine, primavera timber and white-painted steel with plywood and pine. In 2010, Bik van der Pol reproduced the house in white in are you really sure that a floor can’t also be a ceiling? (2011), filling the interior with plants and butterflies, while still replicating the original’s steel details.

These forms, materials and details are distinctive enough for even non-architects to recognise. Repetition of certain strong formal devices—floating planes, cruciform chrome columns—make it easier to reference the original, even when changing materials or bending the form. Meanwhile, Mies’ career was intrinsically tied to photography, magazines and exhibitions, which allowed him to establish a reputation in America even before arriving there in 1937, from a handful of houses, unbuilt projects and the Barcelona Pavilion. 36 See Detlef Mertins, ‘Goodness Greatness: The Images of Mies Once Again,’ Prospecta 37 (2005): 112-121; Claire Zimmerman, ‘Photography into Building: Mies in Barcelona,’ Photographic Architecture in the Twentieth Century (Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 49-83; Colomina, ‘Mies Not,’ 193-221. Since then, images of the work have regularly appeared in exhibitions and mainstream newspapers. In 2019, a Timeout listicle ranked Mies the third best architect of all-time, behind Guadí and Frank Lloyd Wright. 37 Howard Halle, ‘The best architects of all time, ranked,’ TimeOut, June 25, 2019, https://www.timeout.com/newyork/art/best-architects-of-all-time-ranked.

Artists and architects have exploited this distinctive consistency to enter into their own dialogue. Differing from Miesian models at reduced size—Callum Morton’s International Style (1999) or Erwin Wurm’s Mies van der Rohe Melting (2005)—full-scale reproductions deliberately leverage their uncanny, life-size relationship. In faithfully replicating scale and other iconic characteristics, departures from the well-known originals are especially noticeable, taking on a pointed, critical dimension.

Indeed, unlike the intended-fidelity of the Wolf House or Barcelona Pavilion reconstructions, these installations draw discursive power from their brazen inaccuracies. The furnishings inside Gravity is a Force to be Reckoned With included a violently overturned tea cup and a voice-over alluding to the sudden loss of gravity, intended to make us question the differences between dystopia and Mies’ modernist utopia. 38 Denise Markonish, ‘You Can Say You Want A (Infinite) Revolution’ in Iñigo Manglano-Ovalle: Gravity is a Force to be Reckoned With (North Adams: MASS MoCA, 2009). Bik van der Pol’s work contrasts the butterfly’s delicate ecosystem with the man-made intervention of a house famously situated on a flood plain, pointing to the work’s environmental impact. 39 Lisbeth Bik and Jon Van der Pol, ‘are you really sure that a floor can’t also be a ceiling?’ Bik Van der Pol, accessed on 20 August, 2020, https://www.bikvanderpol.net/162/are_you_really_sure_that_a_floor_cant_also_be_a_ceiling/. Peralta Lorca refused to consult a plan in constructing his Farnsworth House. 40 Pola Mora, ‘How an Artist Constructed a Wooden Replica of Mies’ Farnsworth House,’ Archdaily, August 21, 2017, https://www.archdaily.com/878665/how-an-artist-constructed-a-wooden-replica-of-mies-farnsworth-house?ad_medium=gallery. As a result, it inevitably differs from the original: failing to replicate the way a shelf in the bathroom forms a niche for firewood in the lounge. This rejection of plans and precision could be interpreted against the real lack of documentation for the Barcelona Pavilion and Wolf House. Through such critical deviations, these three projects draw out alternative narratives, telling stories that sit outside canonical history, and subverting the Modernist ideals that Mies espoused.

1:1 Models

These installations sit firmly within artistic discourse, rather than architectural heritage, but recent self-professed 1:1 models have bridged between the two. Anna & Eugeni Bach’s mies missing materiality intervention in the Barcelona Pavilion covered its surfaces with white vinyl, intended to turn the pavilion into a 1:1 model of itself. 41 Anna Bach and Eugeni Bach, Mies Missing Materiality (Barcelona: Fondació Mies van der Rohe, 2019) Robbrecht en Daem’s 1:1 Golf Club Project, constructed an unbuilt golf club not far from its planned site in Krefeld, Germany. It, too, reduced Mies’ material palette, replacing marble and onyx with varnished plywood, while retaining the cruciform columns in stainless steel. In places where documentation was missing or contradictory, as in the rear elevations, the work broke down into standard stud framing without a roof. 42 See Christiane Lange, Mies 1:1: Ludwig Mies van der Rohe The Golf Club Project (Köln: Walter König, 2014); Maarten Liefooghe, ‘Tactically Ambiguous Performance: The 1:1 Model of Mies’s Krefeld Golf Clubhouse Project by Robbrecht En Daem Architecten,’ The Journal of Architecture 24, no. 3 (2019): 340-65; Ashley Paine, ‘Rethinking Replicas: Temporality and the Reconstructed Pavilion,’ in Proceedings of the 34th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand: 34, Quotation: What Does History Have in Store for Architecture Today?, ed. Gevork Hartoonian and John Ting (Canberra: SAHANZ, 2017), 537-548.

This abstraction of materials is consistent with small-scale model making practices in architecture. Models are typically reduced to simple materials like card and balsa wood in order to emphasise form and concept, rather than approximate surface texture or detailing. Indeed, this interpretation of models has been part of architecture as far back as Alberti, who wrote: ‘[b]etter that the models are not accurately finished, refined, and highly decorated, but plain and simple, so they demonstrate the ingenuity of him who conceived the idea, and not the skill of one who fabricated the model.’ 43 Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), 35. For Alberti, where this model becomes too gaudy, too noticeable as an interpretation, is the point when the craftsperson’s
work outshines the architect, and the model is rendered unsuccessful.

Despite their acts of material and spatial interpretation, Robbrecht en Daem did not claim to be authors or architects of the golf club. Almost echoing Alberti’s warning, the architects aimed to ‘reveal the “Miesian space.” We wanted to concentrate purely on the essence…an idea, previously given shape only in drawings, becomes a space that be experienced physically’. 44 Paul Robbrecht and Johannes Robbrecht, ‘Figures in a Landscape’, in Mies 1:1: Ludwig Mies van der Rohe The Golf Club Project, ed. Christiane Lange (Köln: Walter König, 2014), 104-106. Through their carefully selection and manipulation of elements, they offered a temporary experience of the architecture in place, almost as Mies intended. As Tegethoff writes, this particular site and climate were crucial in his original proposal. 45 Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 105-109.

The architects acknowledged their debt to Mies without exploiting this connection for polemical purposes or erasing their contribution by placing the construction in Mies’ oeuvre. Instead, they suggest another approach to reconstructive heritage, somewhere between replication and artistic installation. Like Alberti’s model-maker, they highlight the essential ingenuity of Mies’ ideas, even while quietly inserting their own ingenuity in expressing the gaps in that idea.

Simulated Signatures

Returning to Goodman’s autographic / allographic distinction can help us make sense of this complex interplay of authorships. Even if we accepted, as Neumann argued, that Mies’ original documentation is like a score—repeatable while remaining an authentic version—Goodman confirms two things that are worth noting here. First, the original score is still undeniably the work of composer, and all subsequent performances are associated with them. Second, ‘performances that comply with the score may differ appreciably …[but] a performance, whatever its interpretative fidelity…has or has not all the constitute properties of a given work.’ 46 Goodman, Languages of Art, 117. Goodman implies that, for a work to be recognisable as a ‘performance’ of an original, it must adhere to the vision of the composer, or architect.

Architecture has a long obsession with the architect’s signature, forging a link between the work and its designer that extends across time. 47 See Timothy Hyde, ‘Notes on Architectural Persons,’ The Aggregate Website, Oct. 15, 2013, http://we-aggregate.org/media/files/4d2504cf963089af4e12b5cf4b1eb2f4.pdf. Following Goodman, these Miesian reconstructions demonstrate that this signature cannot be scrubbed off, whether intended as heritage, art installation or 1:1 model. A similar sentiment can even be read in in Baudrillard’s profusion of simulacra. The hyperreal might simulate reality based on a referent that ceased to exist, but this illusion still requires that society holds onto its ‘old imagery’. 48 Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 13. A Miesian reconstruction—or Disneyland—plays a role in buttressing the original, even if it has long since lost its real authority.

What emerges from this survey is not how different each version is—how numerous their errors and seemingly-loose their interpretation—but how closely they observe Mies’ vision. The exchange with van der Rohe’s work, and with history, is not one-directional. Contemporary architects and artists do not simply exploit the original to enable their own interpretation. Instead, it reveals that Mies’ authority, and a canonical idea of his work, is necessarily present in all reproductions. Indeed, these artists and architects can only begin to add their own commentary by so closely aligning themselves with the original and by making their references visually legible. Ultimately, this exchange always reinforces Mies’ authority, just as the model maker has worked under the architect’s authority since before Alberti.

  1. Beatriz Colomina, ‘Mies Not,’ in Presence of Mies, ed. Detlef Mertins, (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 169.
  2. Although this passage appears in chapter 10, where Vitruvius discusses the use and construction of machines, he is clear that the models of machines he discusses were constructed by architects. Vitruvius, The Ten Books on Architecture, trans. Morris Hicky Morgan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914), 317.
  3. Mies began the project working as Peter Behrens’ assistant. In 1912, a first full-scale mockup was commissioned of Behrens’ proposal. Later that year, Mies left Behrens’ office and assumed the commission himself, constructing a second mock-up of his own proposal. See Detlef Mertins, Mies (London: Phaidon Press, 2014), 44-55; Franz Schulze and Edward Windhorst, Mies van der Rohe: A Critical Biography (Chicago and London: The Uiversity of Chicago Press, 2012), 37-43.
  4. Henry Thomas Cadbury-Brown, ‘Ludwig Mies van der Rohe in conversation with H T Cadbury-Brown,’ AA Files no. 66 (2013): 71
  5. Carsten Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe: The Built Work, trans. Julian Reisenberger, (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2014), 80.
  6. Hillel Schwartz, The Culture of the Copy: Striking Likenesses, Unreasonable Facsimiles (Cambridge, MA.: Zone Books, 2013). On the copy in architecture, see Ines Weizman, ‘Architectural Doppelgängers,’ AA Files, no. 65 (2012): 19-20, 22-24.
  7. Sigmund Freud ‘The “Uncanny,’ in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XVII (1917-1919): An Infantile Neurosis and Other Works, trans. Alix Strachey (London: The Hogarth Press, 1919), 217-256.
  8. Mertins also reads a strong connection to Berlage’s geometry and Wright’s organic architecture. Mertins, Mies, 44-55; Paul Westheim, ‘Mies van der Rohe – Entwicklung eines Architekten,’ Das Kunstblatt, vol. 2 (1927), 56, quoted in Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe, 25; Rem Koolhaas and Bruce Mau, S M L XL (New York: the Monacelli Press, 1995), 63; Paul Goldberger, ‘Architecture: Mies Show at Modern’, New York Times, Feb. 10, 1986, https://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/10/arts/architecture-mies-show-at-modern.html.
  9. Wolf Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe: The villas and country houses (Cambridge, MA. and London: MIT Press, 1985), 58.
  10. Bergdoll called it ‘the first building in which Mies was able to bridge the gap between his commissioned work and his ideal projects’. Barry Bergdoll, ‘The Nature of Mies’s Space,’ in Mies in Berlin, ed. Terence Riley, Barry Bergdoll and Vittorio Magnago Lampugnani (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2001), 87.
  11. See Bergdoll, ‘The Nature of Mies’s Space,’ 88; Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 58-59.
  12. See Gerrit Wiesmann, ‘A Push to Rebuild a Modernist Gem by Mies,’ New York Times, Mar. 21, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/01/arts/design/rebuilding-a-modernist-gem-from-mies-van-der-rohe.html; Anna Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork,’ Architectural Record, Apr. 21, 2016, https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/11624-scholars-debate-the-fate-of-a-lost-mies-masterwork; Robin Oomkes, ‘Recreating Mies’ Villa Wolf at Gubin,’ Dead Emperors’ Society, Apr. 10, 2016, https://deademperorssociety.com/2016/04/10/recreating-mies-villa-berg-at-gubin/.
  13. ‘Milestones,’ Mies van der Rohe Museum: Villa Wolf Gubin, accessed on August 20, 2020, https://cargocollective.com/villawolfgubin/Meilensteine
  14. ‘Reconstruction of the destroyed Villa Wolf (Gubin) by L. Mies van der Rohe,’ Fachhochschule Potsdam University of Applied Science, January 4, 2015, https://www.fh-potsdam.de/forschen/projekte/projekt-detailansicht/project-action/rekonstruktion-der-kriegszerstoerten-villa-wolf-gubin-von-l-mies-van-der-rohe/.
  15. Franco Stella, ‘Discussion about how to deal with the Wolf House in Gubin,’ Cultural Heritage Center, Brandenburg Technical University, 2016, https://www.b-tu.de/cultural-heritage-centre/diskussion/haus-wolf-in-gubin#c109435.
  16. Tegethoff, however, does note inconsistencies between elevations and plans, and difficulties in dating certain drawings. Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 58-59.
  17. Dietrich Neumann, ‘Visions’, e-architect, 21 May, 2017, accessed on 1 November 2020, https://www.e-architect.com/poland/wolf-house-guben-by-mies-van-der-rohe.
  18. Neumann, quoted in Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork.’
  19. Nelson Goodman, Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrilll Company, 1968).
  20. Goodman, Languages of Art, 221.
  21. Schmidt quoted in Wiesmann, ‘A push to Rebuild a Modernist Gem by Mies.’
  22. Bergman quoted in Fixsen, ‘Scholars Debate the Fate of a Lost Mies Masterwork.’
  23. Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1994), 6.
  24. Neil Levine, ‘Building the Unbuilt: Authenticity and the Archive,’ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historian 67, no. 1 (Mar 2008): 14-17; Juan Pablo Bonta, An Anatomy of Architectural Interpretations: A Semiotic Review of the Criticism of Mies van der Rohe’s Barcelona Pavilion (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1975).
  25. For a detailed account of the intellectual, heuristic implications of this mirroring, see Mertins, Mies, 149-155.
  26. Robin Evans, ‘Mies van der Rohe’s Paradoxical Symmetries,’ AA Files, no. 19 (1990): 63– 64.
  27. Reich was artistic director of the German contribution to the Barcelona Exhibition but, as Colomina argues, it is an open secret that she also influenced Mies’ ‘radical approach to defining space by suspending sensuous surface’. Beatriz Colomina, ‘The Private Life of Modern Architecture,’ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 58, no. 3 (Sep 1999): 462-471.
  28. Jorge Otero-Pailos, ‘On self-effacement: the aesthetics of preservation,’ Place and Displacement: Exhibiting Architecture (Baden: Lars Müller Publishers, 2014), 231
  29. See George Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces: Desiring the Barcelona Pavilion,’ RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no 39 (Spring 2001): 168-191.
  30. Schulze and Windhorst, Mies van der Rohe, 125. See also Jonathan Hill, ‘Weathering the Barcelona Pavilion,’ The Journal of Architecture 7, no. 4 (2002): 319-327; Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces’, 177
  31. Krohn, Mies Van der Rohe, 80. Mertins, however, cites the velvet curtain as part of Reich’s furnishings for the original pavilion. Mertins, Mies, 14
  32. Office for Metropolitan Architecture, ‘La Casa Palestra / Town Hall and Library, the Hague,’ AA Files, no. 13 (1986): 8-15.
  33. Koolhaas and Mau, S M L XL, 49.
  34. Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 12. Elsewhere in S M L XL, Koolhaas explicitly references Baudrillard. Koolhaas and Mau, S M L XL, 967. Both Levine and Dodds also raise the spectres of ‘Disneyfication’, simulacrum and Baudrillard in discussing the Barcelona Pavilion. Levine, ‘Building the Unbuilt’; Dodds, ‘Body in Pieces’.
  35. Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 13
  36. See Detlef Mertins, ‘Goodness Greatness: The Images of Mies Once Again,’ Prospecta 37 (2005): 112-121; Claire Zimmerman, ‘Photography into Building: Mies in Barcelona,’ Photographic Architecture in the Twentieth Century (Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 49-83; Colomina, ‘Mies Not,’ 193-221.
  37. Howard Halle, ‘The best architects of all time, ranked,’ TimeOut, June 25, 2019, https://www.timeout.com/newyork/art/best-architects-of-all-time-ranked.
  38. Denise Markonish, ‘You Can Say You Want A (Infinite) Revolution’ in Iñigo Manglano-Ovalle: Gravity is a Force to be Reckoned With (North Adams: MASS MoCA, 2009).
  39. Lisbeth Bik and Jon Van der Pol, ‘are you really sure that a floor can’t also be a ceiling?’ Bik Van der Pol, accessed on 20 August, 2020, https://www.bikvanderpol.net/162/are_you_really_sure_that_a_floor_cant_also_be_a_ceiling/.
  40. Pola Mora, ‘How an Artist Constructed a Wooden Replica of Mies’ Farnsworth House,’ Archdaily, August 21, 2017, https://www.archdaily.com/878665/how-an-artist-constructed-a-wooden-replica-of-mies-farnsworth-house?ad_medium=gallery.
  41. Anna Bach and Eugeni Bach, Mies Missing Materiality (Barcelona: Fondació Mies van der Rohe, 2019)
  42. See Christiane Lange, Mies 1:1: Ludwig Mies van der Rohe The Golf Club Project (Köln: Walter König, 2014); Maarten Liefooghe, ‘Tactically Ambiguous Performance: The 1:1 Model of Mies’s Krefeld Golf Clubhouse Project by Robbrecht En Daem Architecten,’ The Journal of Architecture 24, no. 3 (2019): 340-65; Ashley Paine, ‘Rethinking Replicas: Temporality and the Reconstructed Pavilion,’ in Proceedings of the 34th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand: 34, Quotation: What Does History Have in Store for Architecture Today?, ed. Gevork Hartoonian and John Ting (Canberra: SAHANZ, 2017), 537-548.
  43. Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), 35.
  44. Paul Robbrecht and Johannes Robbrecht, ‘Figures in a Landscape’, in Mies 1:1: Ludwig Mies van der Rohe The Golf Club Project, ed. Christiane Lange (Köln: Walter König, 2014), 104-106.
  45. Tegethoff, Mies van der Rohe, 105-109.
  46. Goodman, Languages of Art, 117.
  47. See Timothy Hyde, ‘Notes on Architectural Persons,’ The Aggregate Website, Oct. 15, 2013, http://we-aggregate.org/media/files/4d2504cf963089af4e12b5cf4b1eb2f4.pdf.
  48. Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, 13.

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title

Understanding Situated Tacit Knowledge through Southern Urbanist architectural practice approaches

author

Jhono Bennett

supervised by

Peg Rawes

Affiliation

University College London, Bartlett School of Architecture

Attachments
TACK-Module-8-Situating-Tacit-Knowledge-JB-PR-FINAL-14.2.23.pdf

Module aims

  • To introduce the theory of Situated Knowledge within architectural design research
  • To examine how this tacit understanding can be applied to architectural design research methods within urban contexts
  • To identify methods of ‘situating tacit knowledge’ through a Southern Urbanist lens
  • To engage with this method through two conceptions of ‘situated tacit’ architectural design research:
    • The positionality of a ‘situated’ researcher
    • Critical applications of this understanding in urban contexts

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title

On Circular Windows, and their sudden appearance on Instagram

Author

Hamish Lonergan

↑ Back to top
March 1, 2020

Fig. 1: The plan of Asplund’s Stockholm Public Library (1928), posted to @circularspaces on Instagram.

All at once, as 2019 came to a close, Instagram seemed saturated with circles. They flew into my feed—like so many round UFOs—on dedicated accounts like @circularspaces, as simple line-drawn floorplans, stripped of their context [Fig. 1]. But many more appeared as round windows: from the monumental, multi-storey openings of 6a’s MK Gallery in Milton Keynes and Kerstin Thompson Architect’s Broadmeadows Central in Melbourne; to the human-sized circles of Dhooge & Meganck Architecture’s pickle factory in Oudenaarde and Cun Design’s Utter Space photography studio in Beijing. Across the globe, it was an alien invasion I only noticed too late [Fig. 2].

Fig. 2: A collection of recent circular windows posted to Instagram.

Alien because, before then, circles seemed an unusual sight in architecture. Certainly, one of the first round windows I noticed—the ‘Boxen’ (2019) at ArkDes in Stockholm, designed by Dehlin Brattgård Arkitekten [Fig. 3]—was striking enough to add to my ‘saved’ folder on Instagram. As Maarten Delbeke writes, architects have viewed circles with suspicion, even disgust, since at least the Nineteenth Century. Where that Italian trinity of Vitruvius, Alberti and Palladio regarded circles as natural perfection—the symmetrical roundness of a temple reflecting divine order—this same powerful symbolism has since been their undoing. The circle demands too much of us, its conspicuousness announcing a grand intention seldom met by the architect employing it.

Fig. 3: The ‘Boxen’ (2019) at Arkdesc in Stockholm designed by Dehlin Brattgård Arkitekten, photographed by Johan Dehlin, posted to @arkdesc on Instagram.

Too late because Delbeke was not alone in observing the rise of the circle: his essay appeared in a special edition of Archithese (Dec. 2019) devoted to this ‘strong geometry’. Pages of essays alternated with pages of the same disembodied circles found floating in @circularspaces on Instagram. Soon after, architecture news website Architizer published a listicle of round windows, marking the circle’s definitive entry into the mainstream.

Yet, I feel compelled to return to the unsettling mystery of these alien circles and their sudden ubiquity to fill certain gaps. Why did circles appear in such striking numbers on one platform—Instagram—and why did they appear as round windows specifically? I have four hunches. To explore them, I return to the point of first contact: to the ‘Boxen’, photographed by its own architect, Johan Dehlin. What unfurls here is partly the story of round windows in Sweden, but the mystery of these circles is that—like crop circles, those other, alien geometries—this story could be told for many other countries and contexts.

My first hunch is that round windows are like other social media trends, and circles have trickled down from photos of the work of earlier ‘architectural influencers’. Even if architects have remained sceptical of circles on the whole, there have been enough startling appearances over the 20th Century to know that they are not new at ‘Boxen’. Putting aside the Beaux-Arts oeil-de-boeuf (bull’s eye) or the Gothic Cathedral Rose, we find enormous circles in Kahn’s National Assembly Building of Bangladesh (1982) and Scarpa’s Gavina showroom in Bologna (1963), to say nothing of the conjoined windows and circular doorway—resembling a Chinese moongate, another circular lineage—at the Brion Tomb (1978).

Indeed, scroll back through the ArkDes’s Instagram feed to 2017, and you find another circular window in Josef Frank’s Villa Wehtje in Falsterbo (1936), photographed by Åke Lindman [image 4]. True, there are columns and a walkway running across the ‘Boxen’s circular window, but the resemblance is striking. Lindman’s photograph is carefully framed such that, even though Frank’s window sits off-centre on its wall, the circle is placed in the centre of the image. Dehlin’s photograph centres the circle too, drawing our eye in the same way, but only because the symmetrical volume has already eliminated Frank’s asymmetrical idiosyncrasies. Two images on an Instagram account might be coincidental, hardly proving a connection, but it shows that these circles did not materialise out of nowhere.

Fig. 4: Josef Frank’s Villa Wehtje in Falsterbo (1936), photographed by Åke Lindman, posted to @arkdesc on Instagram

While circles might not be new, this still does not answer why they appeared now. My second hunch links this host of circles to another Instagram trend: the revival of Postmodernism. The same powerful symbolism that might have deterred architects in another era proved attractive to figures like Botta and Venturi. Today, popular accounts like @adamnathanialfurman and @newagecocaine—with tens of thousands of followers—are only the most public expression of a broader reappraisal of the style in architectural culture. We could speculate that round windows online are the geometric expression of this reassessment in practice.  Yet this explanation again proves insufficient when we consider that Graves’ circles appear alongside images of the round windows in Kurokawa’s Nakagin Capsule Tower (1972) and Kahn’s Exeter Library (1972). These might not representant Modernist orthodoxy, but they could not be called Postmodern either, suggesting there is something beyond fashion at play here.

Instead, my third hunch is that there is a quality in the photographs themselves that is appealing, turning these corporeal architectural elements into graphical symbols. Circular windows, like in ‘Boxen’ and Villa Wehtje, tend to be photographed perpendicular to the wall, meaning that any thickness in the frame is subsumed in the simple, two-dimensional figure of the opening itself. In this way, the complexity of circular windows—with all their depth, materiality and technicality—become simple shapes in a photo.

Geometric shapes have been ‘in’, you could say, since the fall of theory in the in the mid-2000s. Following Somol and Whiting’s seminal essay, ‘Notes around the Doppler Effect and Other Moods of Modernism’ (2002)—calling for a ‘cool’ and ‘relaxed’ architecture—Somol penned ‘12 Reasons to Get Back into Shape’ (2004). ‘Shape is easy’, he wrote: in its quick crudity, shape could tackle problems that critical architecture was too slow and heavy to handle. On one hand, a young generation of architects coming of age and designing round windows today—like Dehlin and Brattgård—were still studying when the grand project of criticality was being dismantled in academia, partly through shape. On the other hand, circles—with all their self-sufficiency and easy symbolism—might be perfectly suited to the quick and dirty world of social media: where so much must be communicated so quickly, before we lose interest and keep scrolling.

Indeed, here we begin to reach the heart of the matter: my final hunch is that there is something in round windows that looks good on the platform of Instagram itself. As any user knows, a nine-square grid appears over the top of an image as a visual aid before you post it to your Instagram account. These vertical and horizontal lines—superimposed over the incidental lines of your own image—help you adjust a wonky photo, but they also create a visual hierarchy, from centre to periphery. It is not so surprising, then, that images like those by Dehlin and Lindman place the circle in the middle of Instagram’s famously square frame. The result of this posting mechanism is not a neutral visual arrangement: circles in squares have occupied a special place in the geometry of architecture throughout its history. Da Vinci’s Vitruvian man inscribes a circle over a square, bringing the two into relation through the human body. It appears in plan, from Palladio’s Villa Capra (1571), to Schinkel’s Altes Museum (1830), to Asplund’s Stockholm Public Library (1928) [image 1].  It is a common enough exercise for first year students to redraw these famous floor plans as part of their acculturation in the discipline.

My argument here is not that circles in squares have any inherent aesthetic quality. I do not claim any timeless geometric truth, resurfacing again on social media. Instead, it seems to me that architects are so used to connecting the circle in the square to canonical buildings that, by now, the two are inextricably linked. The ensemble has come to seem natural, even beautiful.

For those of us who consume the image on our phone, we associate the circular window in Instagram’s square with those famous antecedents. For those photographing and posting round windows, placing the circle in the centre of the nine-square grid might recall those first-year exercises, drawing Asplund’s circle in the centre of the library square; framed on three sides and implied on a fourth. It is telling that seminal examples—like Kahn or Scarpa’s windows—have also appeared more regularly on Instagram, re-photographed and reposted with the circle, again, in the centre. And for those drawing architecture, seeing how well a circular window looks on social media may seem a good enough reason to include one in their own work. Even if Dehlin and Brattgård did not consciously connect their window to the plan of a library in the same city, it is not so surprising that a firm co-directed by a photographer/architect might design with a consideration of how a building would photograph on completion. In the end, the circle might be less alien than it seemed to me at first; part of a repository of tacit knowledge of architectural form that designers draw upon while designing, even without thinking, from myriad sources.